tamilweek.com

By Dr.Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu

Most readers in Colombo would have seen the posters of the National Movement Against Terrorism (NMAT) calling for the peace, media and leftist ‘Tigers’ to be identified and destroyed. This columnist was asked to comment on the poster by a newspaper and he along with other colleagues condemned the message conveyed by it.

Following this our photographs appeared on the organisation’s website with an English translation of the poster. It has also been learnt that the call was repeated at a public meeting and that Minister Champika Ranawaka condoned and supported these sentiments in a comment to the newspaper. He has subsequently denied this.

Questions

A number of questions arise with regard to this. There can be no dispute surely that messages such as this plastered on the walls of the capital are incitements to murder; they go beyond the routine invective of hate speech. They are intended to have a chilling effect on the freedom of speech and association.

Dissent from the dominant orthodoxy, in this perspective, is treasonable and that dissent is fundamental to the vigour and vitality of a functioning democracy, is clearly alien to this opinion. Indeed, it is so to the extent that their commitment to democracy bears serious questioning.

In the latter respect, the irony is that the language used and sentiments conveyed are no different to the propaganda of the LTTE — the organisation the NMAT has been set up to expose and combat. In the dark alleyways of hate and harm they are well matched and in impeding the pursuit of peace in this country too.

Danger

What is especially worrying is that this ideology has now secured representation in the government — albeit one that traverses the spectrum from the arguably sublime to the definitely ridiculous.

The danger posed by NMAT, given that it counts amongst its members influential priests and politicians, academics and other professionals, is the threat it constitutes to democracy. The NMAT is in the forefront of defining, propagating and consolidating the orthodoxy of the times.

In this respect the Rajapakse regime has to conform as a fellow traveler or open itself up to the charge of condoning such an orthodoxy by its silence on its most obnoxious aspects, or take the lead in contesting and exposing it for what it is — institutionalised hate parading as love of country.

There is no evidence of the willingness of the regime to do the latter.

Ranawaka is most secure within the corridors of power and portals of government and he has not been asked to explain himself. And the President, in any event, has treated us to his version of the “either you are with us or against us” school of national security and democratic governance. There was a time when he dealt in dissent; now it is with traitors, it seems.

Hate and division

The NMAT is the vicious caricature of the ideological underpinnings of the war against terror. What is especially bewildering is how priests in its midst can condone the public propagation of such sentiments.

At a time of conflict and of one in which the human rights and humanitarian situation cries out for help, material, moral and spiritual, one would have hoped that religious leaders and dignitaries would rise to the occasion to spread the message of humanity, compassion, reconciliation and unity, rather than that of hate and division.

Likewise the academics and intellectuals who together with the religious dignitaries, provide the respectability and legitimacy for organisations such as the NMAT. That sadly this is not the case, is a measure of the crisis we are caught in and the challenge to be surmounted in overcoming it.

Another concern is the general public’s acceptance of propaganda of this nasty ilk. Hannah Arendt in her seminal essay Eichmann In Jerusalem wrote of the banality of evil. This is complemented by the untroubled and routine acceptance of hate in public affairs, dismissed as mere politics of little or no consequence.

The assumption here is that the general public does not condone the killing of those who dare to think differently or even those it may believe to be unpatriotic.

Concern

What is of concern here is the absence of indignation and disgust in respect of that which invites it, in public affairs. This suggests the cumulative numbing of moral sensitivity throughout the two and a half decades of war and the brutalisation wrought by violent zero sum politics. Atrocity and the atrocious have become the every day occurrence; decency and democracy, the ‘another day,’ the ‘another country.’

Or is it the case that the public believe that to speak out is to expose oneself to opprobrium and run the risk of the dreaded ‘white van experience’? What has the NMAT to say about this? Is it the case that the public’s response to the President’s “either you are with us or against us” statement is a simple “please leave us alone, this is not our business.”

As the space for dissent shrinks and as democratic principles, practice and procedures become things of the dim, distant past, hope for the future too will recede.

It is time for organisations of professionals and other civic groups to stand up and be counted in a collective effort to reverse the slide into a narrow, repressive political culture which will be the plaything of narrow and repressive politicians. Whatever peace comes in this situation, if it were at all to be possible, it will be a peace of the cowed.

It is time that the NMAT was told by the public at large that its politics of hate and harm stemming from some deep atavistic sense of hurt, no doubt, cannot determine the future of this country. To use the word they are so fond of using — it will only destroy it. [themorningleader.lk]

By E. R. Joseph
[Nugegoda]

This country was once described as the Pearl of the Indian Ocean. Even President Lee Kwan Yu of Singapore who visited this country, years ago after we got independence had visions of developing his country to the status of Sri Lanka. That was the development of Sri Lanka then. Now 59 years after Independence we have been gradually sliding down and down over the years and now stand at the brink of a ‘Failed State.’ On the other hand, Singapore is now one of the most beautiful and prosperous countries in the world, smaller in size with a lesser population than Sri Lanka.

If one were to analyze what went wrong in Sri Lanka over the years, I wish to quote the Archbishop of Colombo, the most Rev. Dr. Oswald Gomis who states in his special Independence Day message which appeared in the Daily Mirror of 3rd February, 2007 that “People get the rulers they deserve.” A true statement indeed. It is the people who are to blame for electing those unworthy politicians to represent them in parliament. This has been happening at every election over the years. It was the D.S. Senanayake regime after Independence that worked for the country. Ever since, the country has been experiencing changes for the worse and gradually sliding down with no proper government and no decisive action taken over the gnawing problem to the ethnic issue. With the war endlessly being fought over 22 years with destruction and loss of lives, all successive governments have been concentrating on the war and not the welfare of the state.

This war is un-winnable especially when you are fighting guerrilla forces. This is a worldwide accepted principle. If the govt. does not know this, it has sadly lost its way. What the President is doing is that he is talking peace on the one hand and making his military moves on the other, despite a lot of advice coming for lasting peace from international sources. He is listening to advisors who have ulterior motives and not for peace, nor the welfare of the whole country. However much you fight the guerillas and conquer their territories, terror tactics will not cease. How long are we going to deploy our forces in our streets, in villages and jungles hunting for the tigers? Check points, road blocks, body searches, procuring arms and ammunition for the war has to go on endlessly for years and thereby development in the country suffers.

With the recent mega cabinet of the government, matters have become worse, with billions spent on maintaining 54 ministers, 34 project ministers, including 5 for nation building and 20 deputy ministers. Nation building appears to be a big joke. We wonder whether this nation can ever be built without lasting peace and stability. Just doling out a few portfolios to get a majority in parliament is not going to help this cause.

In comparison, our neighbour India, with a population of more than 1 billion and China with over 1.3 billion have less than 30 ministers each. Even Bangladesh, a poor country has 22 ministers for a population of 150 million. We will very soon enter the Guinness book of world records. Expenses for the mega cabinet and the cost of war, has brought this country to the verge of bankruptcy. Perks and privileges that the working people of the country deserve are virtually robbed and given to the parliamentarians who are already leading luxurious lives. The people are heavily burdened now looking after the government and not vice-versa.

Most of the foreign exchange sectors like Tea, Coconut, Tourism etc. are in a parlous state. The Educational system obviously needs a complete overhaul to suit the employment opportunities of the country. Strikes and killings are commonplace in the once respected seats of higher learning. They are now called ‘open and close Universities.’ The dearth of teachers in rural schools, with most schools in a dilapidated state and school children incited to strike, has made a mockery of education. Dr. Sarath Amunugama, at a meeting in Kandy on 5th February, 2007 said that education in the country is a big lie. To cap it all, there is absolutely no law and order in the country. Abductions, killings, disappearances are a daily occurence raising questions as to how some of these could happen in high security zones. And now death threats are being sent to cabinet ministers as well. Bribery, corruption, misappropriation of government funds, erratic tender procedures and abuse of power are rampant.

Inflation has hit an all time high. The Governor of the Central Bank has admitted this in a speech made some days ago and says that it takes time to bring it down. It is not like giving a Panadol to a patient to cure a headache, says he. How long have the people to suffer? Yes, the Government which was elected to cure the ills of the country seems to be capable only of giving Panadol to the people! Negotiations to usher in peace is the need of the hour and it is a very urgent indeed, in order to prevent the country sliding down any further.

Will we ever come out of this mess and be able to lead the country to prosperity and fulfillment? This is the million dollar question.

[A letter to the Editor, dailymirror.lk]

Remarks by U.S. Ambassador Robert Blake at the National Peace Council Symposium

I want to congratulate National Peace Council for holding this timely symposium and for posing the question: after two decades of war and 5 years of the CFA, what next? I also want to commend NPC for inviting such a range of important religious, political, civil society and other leaders to share their thoughts because all of you collectively represent a powerful constituency for peace. It is also an honor for me to speak after my friend Norwegian Ambassador Brattskar, who together with his country has done so much to promote peace in Sri Lanka.

Ladies and gentlemen, much ink has been spilled about the recent changes in President Rajapakse’s cabinet and the situation in the North and East, but one central fact remains.

Sri Lanka now has an important opportunity finally to achieve peace and that opportunity must be seized. President Rajapakse has a strong majority in Parliament. His party, the SLFP, is in the final stages of crafting a power-sharing proposal that will then be shared with the All Party Representative Committee, under the capable leadership of Professor Vitharana.

[Ambassador Robert Blake, File Photo]

The APRC then will bear a solemn responsibility to develop a proposal of its own that meets the aspirations of the Tamil, Muslim and Sinhalese communities. If the proposal is a credible one, there is strong reason to believe that it will attract the support of sufficient UNP members of Parliament to give the President the votes he needs to amend Sri Lanka’s constitution.

The United States calls on the SLFP and the APRC to proceed as quickly as possible with their important work. If a credible power-sharing proposal emerges from the APRC, Sri Lanka has in President Rajapakse a strong leader who can use his very considerable political skills and the trust that his supporters repose in him to help fashion the southern consensus that has eluded previous governments. Such a consensus can then form the basis for renewed peace talks and an end to the conflict.

A national peace will not only bring an end to the fighting that has left more than 30,000 dead, and hundreds of thousands displaced from their homes, it will help improve the human rights situation, propel the Sri Lankan economy to new heights, and create a virtuous cycle of prosperity and peace.

Ladies and gentlemen, Sri Lanka must not let this chance pass. The United States, together with its Co-Chair partners and friends such as India, stand ready to do everything we can to encourage and help Sri Lanka seize this historic opportunity.

Thank you.

[Press Release, US Embassy, Colombo]

[Transcript of interview to Thinakkural by Ambassador Robert Blake]

Question: Mr. Ambassador, how do you see the present situation in Sri Lanka? Are you optimistic about the (inaudible)?

Ambassador Blake: Well, I think we have an important opportunity now to achieve peace here in this country. As you know the SLFP and the APRC are working on a power-sharing proposal, and we very much support that effort, believe it is an extremely important effort, and we encourage the government to proceed as quickly as possible with that so that it can be shared with the full All-Parties Committee, and we hope that it will be something that will meet the aspirations of the Tamil people, but also of the Muslims and the Sinhalese people. And we think that we have in the President somebody with very considerable political skills who would be able to sell this to the South. And so we are optimistic, and we do believe that this represents an important opportunity for Sri Lanka.

Question: Are you happy with the efforts taken by the parties to start the peace process, or the dialog?

Ambassador Blake: Well the process is under way now, and as I said earlier, we hope that this will proceed as quickly as possible. Because the sooner there is a proposal ready to put on the table, the sooner the negotiations can get going, and the sooner the fighting and some of the other problems associated with the conflict can be solved.

Question: How do you see the international community’s efforts?

Ambassador: The Co-Chairs remain very involved in encouraging this process. I think that everything that I have said so far would be supported by my Co-Chair colleagues. The United States continues to support, strongly, Norway’s facilitation efforts and also the role of the SLMM – the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission – and I think we are united in the conviction that there cannot be a military solution to this conflict, and that the solution lies in a negotiated settlement that meets the aspirations of all the communities that I mentioned.

Question: Considering the last one year, the violence and the human rights (inaudible), do you feel that the Tamil people still really have confidence in the international community’s words? You have visited Jaffna, you have seen (inaudible). How do you feel (inaudible)… reason to believe the international community?

Ambassador Blake: Well I can’t speak for the Tamil people. As you say I have been to Jaffna, and I know that they have been living under very difficult situations there, and I think the government has taken some efforts to try to address those, and clearly more needs to be done. I was very pleased that the Hon. Minister of Disaster Management and Human Rights visited Jaffna several days ago. So I think that is a good sign that the government is committed to try to address the problems there.

Question: Are you happy with government’s efforts to supply rations to Jaffna?

Ambassador Blake: Yes, I think the government has made a strong effort to try to provide essential goods and essential services. I think there are still some things that need to be done, and I think our friends in the government would agree with that – for example, building materials. There is a need now to get livelihoods back up so that people can earn money and go about their daily lives, and for that you need cement and other construction materials. Again, I think the government is working on ways to address that, and we encourage that.

Question: At the Galle Conference you came out very strongly in support of the NGOs. How do you see the present situation?

[Ambassador Robert Blake, File Photo]

Ambassador Blake: Our position, and I think the position of most of the donors, is that the NGOs play a very crucial role here in Sri Lanka, and indeed in all countries where they operate, to deliver the assistance that all of the donor countries are providing. In the United States’ case all of our assistance – tsunami relief assistance, but also other kinds of assistance – goes through NGOs. So we very strongly support their role, and we are concerned that there have been recent unsubstantiated attacks against some NGOs, American and other NGOs, and we are very pleased that Minister Samarasinghe has pledged on behalf of the government not to allow state media to make unsubstantiated allegations against NGOs, and that all such accusations should first be investigated and, if indeed an NGO is found to be doing something in violation of Sri Lankan law or American law, then of course remedial action should be taken. But before then no statement should be made in the press, because such statements can be very damaging to the operations of those NGOs, and they can often affect the physical safety of NGO workers.

Question: How would you assess the human rights situation? Disappearances, abductions – especially around Colombo? Even one of the vice chancellors has gone missing. No details about him yet.

Ambassador Blake: Yes. Our assessment is that the human rights situation deteriorated in the last year. We will be publishing our human rights report next month sometime. This is our annual human rights report that we submit on all countries around the world. Our assessment is that the human rights deteriorated in 2006. We are pleased that the President decided to appoint this commission of inquiry, and the United States and other important countries are providing observers and also experts to observe the work and support the work of the commission, and that work is now under way. So I think that will be a very, very important effort. But we think that that is only part of the solution. The government must also take steps to address some of the underlying problems that exist, such as abductions and disappearances and other violations, and the international community stands ready to support the government in any way that it can to see that this happens.

Question: Would you like to speak on press freedom? How do you see the press freedom in Sri Lanka, especially in the last (year?)?

Ambassador Blake: Again, I think there have been some challenges to press freedom here. A free media is a very important part of any democratic society, and certainly Sri Lanka is a democracy and has every right to expect to have a free and vibrant media. So again, we would like to support the role of the free media here. I have made it a practice to try to call on various members of the media here, as we do in any country, and this will be one of the efforts that I think all of the international community also will be following very closely to support the right of a strong and free media to operate here in Sri Lanka.

Question: Going back to the Tamil problem, do you feel the armed struggle has legitimacy?

Ambassador Blake: No we do not feel that that has legitimacy. We have taken a very strong stand against terrorism and against violence. We believe that the LTTE should renounce terrorism and violence, and that the only way forward is through a negotiated settlement; and we have made, of course, that same point to our friends in the government. There is no place here or anywhere else for violence and terrorism.

Question: So, do you separate the Tamil grievances from the armed struggle?

Ambassador Blake: We do. We Do. We think that the Tamil people have very legitimate grievances that need to be addressed, and that is one of the crucial roles of the devolution, or power-sharing proposal that comes out would be to address those. But again, we do not see that there can be any role for violence or terrorism.

Question: Would you like to comment on the power sharing, federal or (inaudible)? How do you see the Northeast merger and de-merger?

Ambassador Blake: Well, the recent government military victories in Vakarai and elsewhere have, I think, substantially changed the situation on the ground, and as a result of the Supreme Court decision, the merger of the Northern and Eastern provinces is no longer in effect. And our position is that all of these questions should be resolved as part of the power-sharing proposals that the SLFP and the APRC process that are now developing. So we hope that neither side will take any steps that will foreclose whatever options those committees decide on. Really, that is where these things should be sorted out. Neither side should be taking pre-emptive steps now to try to decide unilaterally or prejudge the outcome of that process.

Question: Will the international (community?) recognize the paramilitary forces, if tomorrow there is an election in the East? If Karuna contests the elections and he comes to power, with the international (community?) recognize him; will he be given equal weight like what the LTTE is getting?

Ambassador Blake: Well, our view is that Karuna and other paramilitary factions are like any other political group around the world. They cannot compete for power while they are engaging in illegal activities, and there is widespread evidence that the Karuna faction is engaged in abductions and child recruitment and many other forms of intimidation against local NGOs on the ground in the East. And while they continue such behavior I don’t think there is place for them in the political system. So they have got to stop those kinds of activities before the international community, at least, would be willing to acknowledge any kind of a political role for them.

Question: Do you want to send any message? What is the message to the LTTE, especially?

Ambassador Blake: Well, my message to the LTTE is that we hope that they will renounce violence, renounce terrorism; but also that they will engage seriously. Because, as I said earlier, we believe that there is an important opportunity this year – in 2006 – for this beautiful country to finally make progress towards a negotiated settlement. We believe there is an important opportunity to take advantage of the parliamentary majority that the President now has, and I think that the UNP even though it is outside the government it will be prepared to support a credible power-sharing proposal so the government will have the votes necessary in Parliament to amend the constitution to implement a devolution proposal, provided it has the support of the people of Sri Lanka. So this is a very significant opportunity, and I hope that the LTTE will recognize that, that they will negotiate in good faith, because twenty-five years of violence have really not achieved anything for the LTTE, or for the Tamil people. On the contrary, I think that the Tamil people have suffered a great deal as a result of the LTTE’s campaign. What we hope for is a final settlement that can address these legitimate grievances, and then we hope that the LTTE will lay down its arms and that Sri Lanka can finally achieve the potential and the promise that we have all long believed it has.

Thank you.

[Released by Embassy of the United States, Colombo]

By Dr.Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu

One of the warnings sounded by ex-minister Samaraweera was about the certainty of the international isolation of Sri Lanka if President Mahinda Rajapakse did not move to address the culture of impunity and the deterioration of human rights protection in Sri Lanka.

This too has the hallmarks of the Premadasa regime when populist authoritarianism was laced with nationalist bombast and insecure xenophobia.

The war against terrorism today will mark us out as a country with an abysmally poor human rights record as did the counter terror of that time. The question though is at what cost and with what consequence in the world today.

There is still a human rights resolution sponsored by the European Union pending at the Human Rights Council in Geneva; the Germans and British have flagged human rights and the peace process as benchmarks for new aid and development assistance flows and US legislators have in writing both called for the appointment of a special envoy on Sri Lanka and for an improvement in the human rights and humanitarian situation. It is no secret that the EU representation at the Galle Development Forum was downgraded with the express purpose of sending a message to the Rajapakse government.

The Independent International Eminent Persons Group (IIGEP) has had its inaugural meeting in Colombo with the Presidential Commission and there is the possibility that statements and reports by this group will not be mere complements to the GOSL on its commitment, bona fides and capabilities in the area of human rights protection.

Signs and messages

Can the GOSL afford to ignore the signs and messages conveyed and in all probability continue to be conveyed by this predominantly western international community ?

At the end of the day, the key question is that of how much the GOSL depends on these countries for developmental assistance and assistance in the prosecution of the war against terror which seems to be the key instrument identified by it for regime consolidation.

Illustrative of the balance of power in the present day international community and of the options the GOSL has in terms of developmental assistance is an anecdote related to this columnist by a senior minister in the last Kumaratunga government.

According to the minister, a senior official from the West proceeded to give him a lecture on peace, governance and human rights benchmarks as part of negotiation of developmental assistance. He interrupted the official and terminated the discussion with the telling point that the Chinese were assisting Sri Lanka to the tune of 10 times the amount of the developmental assistance they were discussing and disbursed the funds with no lecture, conditionality or benchmarks at any point in the process.

The GOSL clearly has other options in an international community that is by no means homogenous and in which the balance of power is swinging away from the West and to the emerging Asian great powers. In addition to China, there is India and Japan. There is of course no discounting the US.

US ‘duality’

What has transpired is that the global superpower is firmly behind the war against terror, even as it makes the point about reviving negotiations, upholding and protecting human rights. The latter point has been made more frequently and pointedly of late.

The ‘duality’ in the US position has had an effect on human rights issues – the US insistence on private remonstrations as opposed to public denunciations has deprived largely European pressure on this front of its considerable weight and influence and in the fullest measure that only the global superpower can command. This looks like changing in the waning years of the Bush presidency and with the ascendancy of the Democrats in Congress and the prospect of them winning the White House in 2008.

And of course US policy will look to balance Chinese influence, in concert with India. There is also the matter of the Millennium Challenge Account monies which could boost the Chinthana development coffers. It may not be forthcoming in fullest or indeed in any measure, if Congress is sufficiently shocked by the state of human rights in Sri Lanka.

All of this though has to be seen in the context of the strategic importance of Sri Lanka to the super power and other powers. In the US case, in realpolitik terms, it is a case of strategic ‘denial’ of influence to a competitor or rival, rather than one of real or vital interest.

Japanese policy

Japan remains our largest donor in bilateral terms and through its contributions to the multilateral financial institutions. Japanese policy however is not driven or largely conditioned by proactive engagement on human rights, governance or any other benchmarks or conditionality of this ilk, its interest in the peace process of yore, the efforts and pronouncements of Ambassador Akashi notwithstanding. The Japanese are likely to subscribe to the pronouncements of the Western bloc, but not with any great enthusiasm or profile.

India’s interests are increasingly denominated in economic terms and as a former ambassador remarked to this columnist, they lie more in a comprehensive economic agreement with Sri Lanka, effectively granting Delhi the first refusal in economic initiatives, than in the defence agreement local nationalists at one time clamoured for as the surest guarantee of our territorial integrity.

Were they to shift in emphasis, this will be of a quintessentially political nature, focusing on the contours and content of a negotiated peace settlement and constitutional compact. The importance and relevance of the human rights and humanitarian situation must not be discounted here, although they did not have a decisive impact in this respect, in the miserable year that was 2006.

The imperatives of coalition politics will probably serve as the catalyst for heightened Indian interest and action and the human rights and the humanitarian situation of the Tamils of the north and east in particular, will eventually play its part in energising the polity of Tamil Nadu, if it is to be energised at all on this score.

The déjà vu factor does come into play. President Jayewa-rdene disastrously attempted to counter Indian influence on the side of Tamil militancy with US support for his government.

Were President Rajapakse to try to do likewise with Chinese power to counter what he may see as insufferable Indian self righteousness on the issues of the merger and political settlement, it would be interesting to see what India does. At the end of the day, India is what matters and matters most because of simple and fundamental geopolitical fact and factors.

No discounting the West

This is not to discount the West in toto. Quite the contrary. Whilst the West has diminished leverage on the economic front, it still does have leverage on this and other fronts – from travel advisories to trade and to the restrictions it has placed on the LTTE and its freedom to manouevre internationally.

And in any event, the combined power and influence of the US and Indians with the rest of the West will not be blotted out – not for some time at least to be sure — by all the tea in China or a new power alliance of Chinese and Russian economic and military power, Pakistani arms and Venezuelan oil as some romantic realpolitik musing suggests.

At the end of the day, a country of little strategic importance in the global balance of power, but with tremendous economic potential in a globalised world, cannot risk international isolation and no government of all of its people can fail in its responsibility for the protection of the human rights of, any of them. [themorningleader.lk]

[Press Release, Royal Norwegian Embassy, Sri Lanka]

22 February marks five years since the government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) entered into the mutual Ceasefire Agreement. On this occasion, Norwegian Minister of Development Cooperation Erik Solheim commented that the establishment of the Ceasefire Agreement was a tremendously positive development for Sri Lanka.

– When the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE entered into the Ceasefire Agreement in 2002, they put an immediate stop to 20 years of fighting in which tens of thousands of people lost their lives. The silencing of guns stopped the bloodshed and significantly alleviated humanitarian suffering. The economy and tourism picked up rapidly. People were finally able to travel freely to areas that had for all practical purposes been closed off for years. The Ceasefire Agreement also allowed the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE to begin negotiations on a political solution to the conflict, said Minister Solheim.

Some killings continued in spite of the ceasefire agreement.

– One killing was followed by another, and the violence escalated. The problem started when the parties decided not to implement the agreement into which they themselves had entered. Massive human rights abuses, grave humanitarian suffering and the displacement of over 200 000 people are among the results. It is the responsibility of the parties to put a stop to this and to demonstrate the political will to reach a lasting settlement. It is my strong hope that both parties will recognise the need to secure the full implementation of the Ceasefire Agreement as a first step toward reaching a political solution, said Minister Solheim.

Solheim further expressed his high regard for the continued work of the Nordic civilian observer group, Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission, mandated by the Ceasefire Agreement.

– The government of Norway remains in regular contact with the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE. Norway is willing to go the extra mile to assist their peace endeavours at their request. As soon as the parties renew their peace efforts, we will be ready to do all we can to help. It is my sincere opinion that the vast majority of Sri Lankans have a strong yearning for peace, said Solheim.

———————–

21 February 2007

Speech by Norwegian Ambassador Hans Brattskar

“Five Years of Ceasefire Agreement – What Next?”
Bandaranaike International Conference Hall, Colombo, 21 February 2007

Ladies and gentlemen,

On 22 February, we will mark the five year anniversary of the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) between the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE. Although the CFA is under greater strain today than ever before, I would like to take this opportunity to highlight some of its achievements.

The CFA came about after twenty years of armed conflict. Twenty years during which thousands of people, including many innocent civilians, lost their lives.

The years following the signing of the CFA saw a dramatic improvement in the situation. The daily fear of bombs and other attacks on civilians was greatly reduced. Mothers and fathers could send their children to school and not have to worry about their school buses being at the wrong place at the wrong time. The checkpoints we see again today were largely gone, and roads all over the country were open. I remember how people from Colombo took the opportunity to spend a few days on the beautiful beach in Trincomalee, in the national parks of Batticaloa, or visiting friends in Jaffna.

Most importantly, the number of people killed was greatly reduced. There is no doubt that by stopping the vicious cycle of violence, the CFA saved thousands of lives, and prevented many people being maimed and injured.

The CFA led to direct peace negotiations between the Government and the LTTE. It made a political dialogue possible. This dialogue will have to be resumed, in order for a peaceful solution to the conflict to be found.

The parties’ commitment to the CFA has also been of clear economic benefit to Sri Lanka. A recent World Bank report shows that economic growth in the north of Sir Lanka quadrupled during the first years of the ceasefire, and doubled in the east during the same period.

The rest of the country has also benefited economically from the CFA. The CFA and the peace process were seen as a success story, and the international community wanted to be part of it. This opened the way for new financial assistance and foreign investment, and foreign tourists returned to Sri Lanka in large numbers.

The World Bank has reported that, as a consequence of the ongoing conflict, Sri Lanka’s economic growth is two to three per cent lower per year than it would otherwise be. Millions of Sri Lankans will therefore be pulled out of poverty when higher economic growth comes with peace.

Another success of the CFA has been the establishment and work of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission. The SLMM, working with the parties and the civilian population, has managed to prevent many potential conflicts. In addition, it has played an important role in shedding light on issues that would otherwise have remained hidden. I am convinced that SLMM’s cooperation with the parties has prevented much violence, and prevented the escalation of many dangerous situations, during the past five years.

The CFA was meant as a temporary arrangement for a transitional period, but I am of the strong opinion that it has saved many lives and been a vital instrument for peace.

Of course, this does not mean that there have not been many violations of the CFA. It is well-documented by the SLMM, the UN and others that killings, abductions and other human rights abuses, including child recruitment, continue, and that the number of such incidents has escalated sharply over the past year.

Norway is pleased that the International Independent Group of Eminent Persons (IIGEP) has started its work. National and international human rights efforts are of utmost importance today, and all parties should give them their maximum support.

We have also witnessed a regrettable return to large-scale fighting and military offensives in 2006 and 2007, resulting in a dire humanitarian situation for thousands of civilians.

Neither party has abrogated the CFA, and it is my strong hope that they soon will see the need to secure its full implementation.

The Norwegian Government has made it clear that it stands ready to continue to serve as a facilitator in the peace process, provided that both the Sri Lankan Government and the LTTE request its continued assistance, and it feels that it can make a constructive contribution. The SLMM is also continuing its valuable work.

Norway strongly believes that any efforts to bring about lasting peace in Sri Lanka must be supported by all ethnic communities. Norway has made repeated efforts to encourage multi-ethnic support, but cannot generate it alone.

It is the people of Sri Lanka and their leaders, not Norway or any other party, who are ultimately responsible for deciding the future of this country and finding a peaceful, negotiated settlement to the present conflict. Norway is ready to lend its firm support.

Thank you very much.

[Courtesy: Press Release, Norwegian Embassy, Sri Lanka]