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Human Rights Watch Report – 5
HRW Advocates global pressure on GoSL, LTTE and TMVP

By D. B.S. Jeyaraj

[transCurrents.com] The New York based rights group , Human Rights Watch, wants International pressure to be exerted on the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the Karuna faction known as Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Puligal (TMVP) so that the parties concerned would desist from practices leading to children being forcibly recruited as child soldiers in Sri Lanka.

The HRW has outlined a list of recommendations in the report released by it on Jan 24th titled “Complicit in Crime: State Collusion in Abductions and Child Recruitment by the Karuna Group,”.

While urging the LTTE, TMVP and GOSL to adopt certain measures in this regard the HRW has also made specific suggestions to all governments of donor nations to Sri Lanka, the member states of the United Nations and the UN security Council.
The full list of recommendations made by the Human Rights Watch are is given below -

To the Karuna Group (TMVP and its military wing)

-Immediately stop all recruitment of children, including voluntary enlistment as well as recruitment effected by abduction or other force or coercion;

-Immediately cease the forced recruitment of all persons;

-Immediately cease the use of children in combat operations;

-Immediately release children and all others forcibly recruited for Karuna forces and cooperate with UNICEF in ensuring their safe return to their families;

-Take all appropriate steps to ensure Karuna group commanders and other cadre do not recruit children into Karuna forces, and provide the international community with documentation (through UNICEF or the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)) of disciplinary actions taken against Karuna cadre responsible for such recruitment;

-Take all appropriate steps to ensure Karuna group commanders and other cadre do not forcibly recruit any person, and provide the international community with documentation (through UNICEF or the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)) of disciplinary actions taken against Karuna cadre responsible for such recruitment;

-Publish in Sinhala and Tamil languages the Karuna group’s policy not to recruit children, and disseminate it broadly in areas where the Karuna group is active;

-Allow UNICEF, SLMM, and other domestic and international protection agencies access to all Karuna group camps, military and otherwise, to assess the age of recruits, and to identify children for demobilization.

To the Government of Sri Lanka

-Immediately end all cooperation with the Karuna group in the recruitment of children and in abductions;

-Immediately launch an investigation into the involvement of government security forces in the recruitment of child soldiers and abductions by the Karuna group, and hold accountable those complicit, regardless of rank;

-Take immediate steps to locate children recruited and all others forcibly recruited by the Karuna group and secure their return to their families, with follow-up protection;

-Together with UNICEF conduct unannounced inspections of the Karuna camps and TMVP offices listed in this report and others recently established;

-Close all camps of the Karuna group in government controlled areas that are used for the recruitment and training of children;

-Enact and enforce criminal penalties against individuals and groups who recruit children under the age of 18 into armed groups;

-Instruct the police to actively investigate all reported cases of abduction of children and all others by the Karuna group, and take disciplinary or criminal action against those who fail to do so;

-Cooperate with humanitarian agencies to create corridors of safe passage for international agencies and monitors to investigate and follow up on reports of child and forced recruitment in areas of LTTE control;

-Work with donor governments to establish an international human rights monitoring mission under United Nations auspices to monitor government, Karuna group, and LTTE violations of human rights and international humanitarian law, including abductions and child recruitment;

-Amend the Emergency (Prevention and Prohibition of Terrorism and Specified Terrorist Activities) Regulation No. 7 of 2006 to exclude as an offense the participation of children under the age of 18 in groups engaged in terrorism, and the participation of any person based on having been forcibly recruited;

-Submit to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child Sri Lanka’s overdue initial report on compliance with the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict;

-Ratify the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.

To the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)

-Immediately stop all recruitment of children, including voluntary enlistment as well as recruitment effected by abduction or other force or coercion;

-Immediately cease the use of children in combat operations;

-Immediately release all children from LTTE forces and give those recruited before age 18 the option to leave;

-Cooperate with UNICEF in ensuring the safe return of all child soldiers to their families;

-Take all appropriate steps to ensure LTTE commanders and other cadre do not recruit children under the age of 18 into LTTE forces and provide the international community (through UNICEF or the OHCHR) with documentation of disciplinary actions taken against LTTE cadre responsible for such recruitment;

-Cooperate with humanitarian agencies to create corridors of safe passage for international agencies and monitors to investigate and follow up on reports of child and forced recruitment in areas of LTTE control;

-Allow UNICEF, SLMM, and other domestic and international protection agencies access to all LTTE camps, military and otherwise, to assess the age of recruits, and identify children for demobilization.

To All Donor Governments

-Urge the Karuna group and the LTTE to immediately end all recruitment of children and all persons forcibly recruited, and to release all children and abductees currently in its forces;

Urge the government of Sri Lanka to take all feasible measures to:

-End the involvement of government security forces in the recruitment–whether forced or voluntary–of children and the forced recruitment of all persons by the Karuna group;

-secure the release and return of all children recruited, and all persons forcibly recruited, by the Karuna group and

-conduct a thorough investigation of individuals involved in such recruitment, and bring them to justice, regardless of rank;

-Work with the Sri Lankan government to establish an international human rights monitoring mission under United Nations auspices to monitor government, Karuna group, and LTTE violations of human rights and international humanitarian law, including child recruitment and abductions.

To the United Nations Security Council

-In light of the LTTE’s continuing use of children in its forces and in accordance with Security Council Resolution 1539 on children and armed conflict (April 22, 2004) and Security Council Resolution 1612 (July 26, 2005), adopt targeted measures to address the LTTE’s persistent failure to end its recruitment and use of child soldiers. Such measures could include the global imposition of travel restrictions on leaders and their exclusion from any governance structures and amnesty provisions, a ban on the supply of small arms, a ban on military assistance, and restriction on the flow of financial resources.

To All United Nations Member States

In accordance with Security Council Resolution 1379 on children and armed conflict (November 20, 2001), use all legal, political, diplomatic, financial, and material measures to ensure respect for international norms for the protection of children by the parties to the conflict. In particular, states should unequivocally condemn the continued recruitment and use of child soldiers by the Karuna group and the LTTE, and withhold any financial, political, or military support to these groups until they end all child recruitment and release all children currently in their forces.

Feedback :Contact DBS Jeyaraj : djeyaraj2005@yahoo.com

By D.B.S. Jeyaraj

[transCurrents.com] Appapillai Amirthalingam while protesting against the unjust treatment meted out to Tamils by those in power would often repeat “The Tamil people cannot be treated continuously in this manner!”. What would the ex – opposition leader – murdered by the tigers – say at what is happening now? The ruthless Rajapakse regime is deliberately and continuously treating the Tamil people with calculated cruelty in a manner that has never been done before.

This callous disregard and flagrant violation of the Tamil peoples’ basic rights shows no sign of easing or ceasing. Each military “victory” notched up by the security forces sees the ferocious military juggernaut, continuing with renewed vigour ,leaving behind a bloody trail of death, destruction, displacement and despair. Tamils in general undergo suffering and agony but Eastern province Tamils bear the brunt in particular.

Both the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) are heaping burden after burden on the Tamil people in their unequal struggle for military superiority. The GOSL says the Tamil people are an integral component of this Country but treat them in practice as hostile aliens of an enemy land. The LTTE says it is fighting to liberate the Tamil people but shows little concern for the “humanity” of the Tamil people.Military objectives and strategies are given importance and not humanitarian concerns. The Tamil people are like areca nuts caught in a nutcracker.

Eastern province Tamils are extremely vulnerable. Many of them are in a position similar to what Tamils living in what is known today as the Manal aaru or Weli – Oya region were in more than two decades ago. In a bid to break “Tamil” territorial contiguity between the Northern and Eastern Provinces a certain zone was marked out to be made separate and “Sinhalaised”. Parts of Vavuniya, Mullaitheevu and Trincomalee districts along with the Padaviya (formerly Padavikkulam) portion of Anuradhapura district were merged into one entity for politico – military purposes .It was linked to Anuradhapura Secretariat for administrative purposes.

The Tamil people living in 28 traditional Tamil villages and hamlets and 40 agricultural settlements were driven out through sheer military brutality. Flourishing villages like Thennamaravaady were razed to the ground.Coastal places like Kokkilai and Kokkuthoduvaai were annexed. Villages like Kurunthumalai and Mankindimalai were made part of a military complex and re – named Janakapura and Kalyanipura. Sinhala people were brought in from the South and settled. Many were trained and armed and made auxiliary forces. The creation of Weli – Oya region is the perfect example of state – sponsored ethnic cleansing in Sri Lanka.

Today the target is the Eastern Province. Though North – Eastern contiguity was ruptured the rising tide of ethno – fascist supremacy is not satisfied. “kilakku” must be made “Naginahira”. What is happening now in the East is saddening and troubling to this writer. I have been regularly predicting and warning of the sinister designs behind the “Sinhalaisation” moves several times. I have written of the endless agony of Eastern civilians and appealed to the International community (IC) to do something. Nothing has been done apart from token sounds. Meanwhile the situation deteriorates daily.

I am not an Eastern Tamil but the province and its friendly, hospitable people and the innocence of the villagers have a special place in my heart. My maternal uncle was a Methodist clergyman who served for more than sixteen years in Kallaru, Batticaloa and Trincomalee.As children we would visit at least once or twice a year during school holidays. As a child I would often accompany my uncle as he visited various parishes under his stewardship.

The late “Vidwan” FXC Nadarajah was the man who wrote about the oral history of Batticaloa in his “Mattakalappu Maanmiyam”. The late “Pulavarmani” Periyathambipillai was perhaps the greatest poet of Batticaloa. “Pandithar” VC Kandiah wrote vividly about B’caloa in his “Mattakalappu Thamilagam”. They were all friends of my grandfather JS Arlvarpillai who was himself a poet and writer. I would sit enthralled and listen to these men talk and ask them questions about B’caloa. They would very kindly oblige. My romance with B’ caloa began then.

Later as a journalist with “Virakesari” it was my good fortune to be stationed in B’ caloa as correspondent in 1977. I was only 23 years then and all the “Virakesari” area correspondents would invite me to their homes. Also the “Virakesari” Manager Muthulingam and chief Agent Nagarajah would take me in the van to many different places. I travelled the length and breadth of B’ caloa then and met many different people and learnt of many legends and customs. One that I vividly remember is the tradition of eating rice in four servings with fried items, vegetables, curry and curd respectively.

I also conversed with knowledgeable people in B’ caloa and gathered knowledge. The B’ caloa library though small had many books on the region and its history thanks to the efforts of its dynamic librarian Mr. Ratne. The late Mr. Sam Thambimuthu and wife Kala were very fond of me. Sam took me in his vehicle to all border areas. It was then that realised how fragile the Tamil position in the East was. I visited B’ caloa on assignment after the cyclone of 1978 and again one year later to report on rehabilitation progress.

Trincomalee though part of the province is somewhat different to B’ caloa – Amparai. Apart from the visits to my uncle I have also gone to Trinco in later life with friends. Some of these were a Tamil small – time jeweler from Koonitheevu and a Muslim schoolmaster from Muthur. The times were not as troubled as they are now but the tensions were visible. There was rising resentment at the Sinhala dominated state’s efforts to alter the demographic balance in the district and by extension the province.

This article was supposed to be about the current Eastern situation. But whenever I write about the present I cannot help thinking of the happy past and worrying about the gloomy future in store for the Eastern Tamils in particular and Tamils of Sri Lanka in general. I wander down memory lane often and yearn nostalgically for those Easterners and the East. With the region being under increasing military pressure I write not because I want to but because I think I must.

I have on many occasions written about the “conspiracy” by the “Panchamahabalavegaya” (Five great forces) aiming to de- populate Trinco of Tamils and “Sinhalaise”it. Earlier it was an “unofficial” effort by some politicians, administrative officials, security personnel, Buddhist clergy and businessmen. But now it is “official ” policy. The aim is not only Trincomalee but also large parts of the province. Ideas expressed by the lunatic fringe in Sinhala politics have attained centre stage respectability and acceptance. The short – sighted militarism of the LTTE has given the state an “opportunity” to unleash brute force according to design.

Tamils in Trincomalee are being systematically terrorised. Fisherfolk are restricted greatly. Businessmen are targetted. Tamil youths are being bumped off almost everyday. The April 2006 anti – Tamil violence has frightened Tamils considerably. About 15, 000 have fled to India. Many others consisting mainly of the elite and middle – classes are moving out of Trincomalee. The Tamils concentrated in the town are fearful of a state sponsored “ethnic cleansing”.

The Trinco port nationalisation along with navy expansion has seen Tamil lands appropriated. Various colonization schemes have seen the creeping “Sinhalaisation” increase momentum. “KappalthuraI’ has virtually ceased to exist. Mudalikkulam became Morawewa and Mahavilaankulam became Mahadivulwewa and so on. While Tamils are mainly in the town all access roads are becoming Sinhala. Even within the town there is the “market” problem. It is only a matter of time before large parts of the town will be declared a “security” zone and Tamils evicted. Trincomalee has not had a Tamil GA for more than 50 years. The present GA is a retired Army General handpicked for “Project Sinhala” in Trincomalee.

The Muthur East region including Sampoor was targeted on the basis that it was strategically important and that a potential danger to the harbour had to be removed. Today Sampoor is in GOSL hands but the displaced Tamils have not been brought back. This is in striking contrast to the displaced Muslims of Muthur and displaced Sinhalese of Serunuwara. Their return has been expedited but the Sampoor Tamils were chased to Vaakarai and now from there too.

The military drive on the pretext of silencing LTTE artillery has now reached EEchilampatru and Ilangaithurai Muhathuvaaram. It has now been “Re- discovered” that Ilangaithurai is the site of Lankapatuna Samudragiri vihara. It is where the Kalinga prince Dantha and princess Hemamaali are supposed to have landed in 310 AD with the sacred tooth relic of Lord Buddha. It appears that the place will never be allowed to return to “Tamil” normalcy.

The Vaakarai region is now being gradually taken over by the military. The Verugal river too is now under military control. Thus the territory that was under LTTE control from Sampoor down to Panichankerny is now under army domination. This area had a coastal strip that was “Tamil” and therefore of great help to the LTTE. Dominating this coastal strip would enable the GOSL to deprive in theory all coastal access to the LTTE in Trincomalee and Batticaloa districts. The best way to do that in the eyes of the Rajapakse regime is to keep the area permanently de – populated of Tamils.

The Tamils of Muthur East , Sampoor and Eechilampatru were driven to Vaakarai through repeated air strikes and artillery shelling. All distribution of food and medicine and essential items were prevented going into the region. Then the same methods were employed against the Koralaipattru North or Vaakarai region. All supplies were stopped. Constant shelling and bombing occurred. Unable to suffer continuously the poor civilians fled the region amidst great danger and hardship.

One would have expected the remaining 10,000 plus civilians to be allowed to remain in Vaakarai after the LTTE vacated the region and security forces moved in. But they have all been brought to other GOSL areas of B’ caloa. The Internally displaced Persons in the district are more than 80, 000.This includes Tamils from Trincomalee. The administrative apparatus is unable to cope with the crisis. If not for INGO and NGO assistance a major tragedy would have occurred.

The BBC Tamil service “Thamilosai” interviewed some IDP’s recently. Their tales were heart – wrenching. They had only one request. Re- settle us back in our homes as soon as possible. As in the case of Sampoor promises are being made that they would be re – settled as soon as the security situation is under control and landmines removed. The landmine issue is a false claim. That is no reason to prevent civilians returning to their original homes. The truth is that the security considerations of the state are given paramount importance over the well – being of the people.

Worse still is the continuing bombing and shelling in other places. Two Tamil pockets in Trincomalee north – Kadawaanaikulam and Kumburupitty – were bombed and shelled from the Jayapura and Morawewa camps.Tamil areas such as Kiliveddi in Trinco South are likely to be targetted in due course. It must not be forgotten that of the original 15, 000 farmers doing agriculture with water from Maavilaaru 7,000 Tamils and 2000 Muslims had either gone or been chased away. Only 6000 Sinhala farmers were tilling fields when the LTTE shut the sluice gates.

Sarath Fonseka has pledged that the entire East would be brought under GOSL control by April New year. Already there is talk of going into the Tharavai – Kudumbimalai region and the Paduvaankarai region. The LTTE complexes in Karadiyanaaru and Kokkatticholai need to be destroyed according to military circles. A probing mission in Vavunatheevu on the western shores of the lagoon were repulsed by the LTTE. Another manouevre into Vellavely was also foiled.

It is however a matter of time before the military onslaught begins. What happened in Sampoor and Vaakarai is likely to be replicated. All entry – exit points will be blocked and food supplies prevented. Constant aerial bombardment and artillery shelling would happen. The LTTE will be hampered by the fact that return artillery firing across the lagoon would hit Tamil and Muslim civilians this side. About 70, 000 civilians living in the LTTE controlled areas would be forced to disperse. The IDP figure would swell.

There is also another danger. Some of us remember the “West Bank Annexation” type scheme enacted by the likes of Herman Gooneratne, Ravi Jayewardena, NGP Panditharatne and Dimbulagala Thero to colonise the lands under Maduru Oya scheme. Others remember the Gal Oya scheme and how most Tamil colonies were appropriated by Sinhala settlers after Tamils were chased away through violence. Now it would be possible to drive Tamils away from the remaining colonies under Gal Oya and also take over Vadamunai lands. All in the name of security!

All norms of International humanitarian law have been grossly violated by the Rajapakse regime in its relentless push to “conquer” the East and de – populate regions of Tamils. With the IC “Blind, deaf and dumb” to what is happening the juggernaut which crushed the civilian Tamils of Sampoor and Vaakarai will now turn westwards. Ironically the LTTE has made a strategic withdrawal with most military assets and cadres intact after exposing innocent civilians to terrible hardship.

One is thankful that some INGO’s are providing buckets and mats and gruel and panadol to the IDP’s. They are also giving tents and cooking utensils. Thanks to the almighty for these small mercies! But this is not what the people need desperately. What they require is speedy return to their original habitat and expedited re – settlement. Will the IC which failed to prevent displacement at least pressure the Rajapakse regime in this? Also will it get Colombo to halt its avowed intention of causing more and more displacement through systematic targeting of civilians?

The endless agony and suffering of Eastern Tamils must cease. Those simple , friendly, naive farmers and fisherfolk must be allowed to go home. The Tamils are being turned into a nation of homeless people. The people who wanted a homeland of their own are being deprived of their own homes. In a twist of fate the Karuna faction which claimed to fight Northern hegemony is collaborating with racist fanatics to undermine Eastern Tamils. What is now happening in the East will soon be followed in the North too.

What is now happening in the East is a monumental crime against humanity with genocidal attributes. Innocent civilians are being decimated for politico – military objectives. Meanwhile Mahinda Rajapakse will continue taking “Malthattus” to viharas, observe “Sil” and listen to “sethpirith” being chanted .May the blessings of the Triple Gem be upon him. “Pin Siddha Vechaava”.

Feedback : DBS Jeyaraj : djeyaraj2005@yahoo.com

Amidst a tight security cordon that surrounds the city of Colombo and its suburbs, abductions of persons continue unabated.

The incidents had been reported to the police stations of the respective areas, the Civil Monitoring Committee, including its Chairman Siritunga Jayasooriya and Parliamentarian Mano Ganesan. Other than the two persons being released, nothing positive could be heard from the rest of the abducted people.

By Mandana Ismail Abeywickrema and Sunalie Ratnayake

Selladurai Devendran alias Vijayan (53), a businessman involved in the cement industry was abducted on January 9 at 10.45 p.m. from his residence at 844, Aluth Mawatha Road, Colombo 15.

He had been kept in custody blindfolded for an entire day and was released on the early hours (1.05 a.m.) of January 10. Vijayan is a businessman by profession.

When The Sunday Leader met Vijayan at his residence, following his release, he said, “I’m a businessman by profession and in addition to the cement business, I also rent out my properties. Apart from this upstair unit, which I live in, most of the properties down the street I live, are owned by our family.

A group of eight

“So, on the night of January 9, a group of eight, all dressed in civvies came to my property. We have a side entrance as well and three people had come through the side entrance with weapons. I was forced into a Super GL, white colour ‘Dolphin’ van and I was blind folded. All were youngsters. They questioned me in Sinhalese, but they spoke in Tamil among themselves. However, they did not torture me much, but all throughout I was blindfolded,” he explained.

Speaking about his rented properties, Vijayan said that he has no reason at all to help the LTTE, the reason for his abduction had been pure suspicion.

“We were born and bred in Colombo and I have never even seen the colour of Jaffna. Even my father served in the army. Before 2001, my properties were rented out to people from Jaffna, but after that, they are being rented out to parties who are doing business in Hettividiya. They are estate Tamils. But, the people who kidnapped me said that they received messages from various parties that I am helping the LTTE,” Vijayan said.

Mistaken identity

At the time of the abduction, Vijayan’s brother’s son, who is after his G.C.E (Advanced Level), had been in the house downstairs. Vijayan is unmarried and lives in the upstair unit of the same building. The building is protected with a couple of dogs and one dog (an Alsatian) is tied upstairs.

“After I was abducted, I was transferred into another vehicle and the van which took me earlier had returned to my property and had tortured my nephew. When they released me the next morning, they said that I was mistaken for someone else and that they were convinced that the person they were looking for was someone else. After apologising, they gave me Rs.50 to my hand (as I did not have any money with me at that time) and asked me to get a three-wheeler and go home. I was dropped somewhere near Nawaloka and from there I took a three-wheeler and came home. When they dropped me, it was around 1.05 a.m.,” he further said.

However, Vijayan says that he is sure of one fact, and that is the group of eight had not abducted him to extort money or any material belongings, because, even before he was taken away from the house, they had removed his jewellery, including his rings and had left them behind.

Vijayan said he had never received any threats before the abduction on January 9, but after he was released, he had received a number of phone calls, all from telephone booths, threatening him that he will be taken again, and that he is unable to believe that the phone calls were from the same party that abducted him.

Not treated badly

“I was not treated badly and I was even given meals on time. These people who are calling are pretending as if they are the same people who abducted me,” he said.

Liyand Rasen Selvam Savarimuttu (16) was missing since 10.30 p.m. of January 11 from his residence at 23A Jubilee Mawatha, Mattakkuliya.

According to his father Selvan (42), Rasen had left the house around 10.30 p.m. to go to the nearby boutique, which was his common practice. Selvan speaking to The Sunday Leader just after the abduction and before Rasen came home said, “Whenever he is hungry, he used to always go to the nearby boutique and eat a koththu and come back. This was normal in his day-to-day life. So, even when he left on Thursday (11) night, saying that he was going to get something to eat from the boutique, we did not object, as it was normal. But after a while, we realised that he was missing for a long period. Then, when we checked with the boutique and they said Rasen never came to the boutique that night. The shop is less than 50 metres from our house. I do not know what happened to my son and I’m still confused. I cannot even think that he has disappeared. We made an entry at the Modera (Mutwal) Police Station. They came and made inquiries.”

Rasen is the eldest in the family and he has a sister aged 12 and a younger brother aged one and a half years. Rasen is a student of St. Peter’s College, Colombo 4. His mother Renuka Jayasekera (42) is a teacher at Ladies College, Colombo. The family had not received any threats before the incident. However, Rasen had come home on January 15, after escaping from the place where he was kept.

Not so fortunate

Be that as it may, the other abductees and their families have not been so fortunate with even the police being unable to unearth any leads in the investigations.

Since January 7, the families of the abducted victims as well as the police have been trying to obtain information on the whereabouts of the abducted persons.

Thomas Jesudasan (37), a father of two daughters aged eight and two was abducted on January 7 at 6 p.m from Kotahena. Jesudasan’s residence is at Jampettah Street, Colombo 13. His wife Carmalatta Juliet (36) told The Sunday Leader, “My husband went to meet a post master friend of his in Kotahena. When he was returning from this friend’s place, two security officers who had been working at a nearby bar in Kotahena had seen two people putting their arms around my husband’s neck and forcibly dragging him away.

“According to the security officers, these two men had carried my husband on their shoulders. Since then, we have not heard from him. I informed the Human Rights Commission (HRC), Mano Ganesan’s Civil Monitoring Committee, as well as the office of Minister Douglas Devananda. I also made an entry at the police station. Until now, we have not heard anything and the government has not taken any steps at all with regard to my husband’s abduction.”

According toJesudasan’s wife Carmalatta, they had never received any threats from anyone prior to the abduction. Carmalatta’s parents who are both paralysed are completely unaware about the abduction of their son-in-law.

Complaint not entertained

Carmalatta alleged that when she went to lodge an entry at the Kotahena Police Station, they did not want to take it down and thus she had visited the Granspass Police Station and had lodged an entry there.

The Granspass Police had later visited the residence of the victim and questioned the eldest daughter about the incident.

Another abduction that occurred on the same day (January 7) was the abduction of Vairamuthu Varadarasan (40) whose residence is located at 475S6A, Stadium Gama, Grandpass.

Varadarasan was abducted from his residence on January 7 at 2.10 a.m. His wife Y.R.B. Ruhunage (37) speaking to The Sunday Leader said, “We were sleeping in the house in the early hours of Sunday. Around 2.00 a.m. I heard someone knocking at our main door. Then I woke up, put the light on and opened the door. There was one man standing at our doorstep, clad in police uniform. He looked between 45 to 47 years of age. When I opened the door, he said that he wants to check my Identification Card and also that he wants to check the house. He asked whether we had weapons in the house. I said ‘No.’

“While keeping the door open, I went to our bedroom and asked my husband to wake up.” The wife observed that while she was searching for the ID cards, she had accidentally given a business card instead.

“Then I came back to the room to find my real ID. My husband woke up and the man who was in police uniform took my husband’s two mobile phones. I showed my ID to him. He did not want to look at it then. After that, I went back to our bedroom to wear an underskirt, as I was only in my nightdress. When I came to the living room, I could not find my husband or the man in police uniform. Both of them had disappeared from the house. Then I ran outside and I could see a van outside, which was started. I could not see the colour or the licence plate of the van, as it was dark. I could not see who was inside either,” she said.

Chased away

However, according to Badra, there was another man dressed in civvies outside the van, who was looking to see whether she was coming out of the house. “When I was trying to come near the van, he chased me away, asking me to go inside the house and then the van started moving forward and I could only see the rear red lights of it.

“I could not see whether the other man who was clad in police uniform or whether my husband was inside the van. Then I ran to my mother’s residence, which was close by, as I did not feel like going back home. When I knocked at her door, she opened it and I told her what happened,” said she in a state of shock.

Varadarasan has five children, three daughters aged 13, 11, 9 and two sons who are six years and ten months old respectively. Varadarasan had formerly worked for Mano Ganesan and had taken part in many committee meetings. According to Varadarasan’s wife, he had once been mistaken and suspected as a man who had attempted to murder MP Vasudeva Nanayakkara at one of his meetings. Before the abduction took place, Varadarasan was driving a lorry at the Colombo Port.

The abduction saga continues as two males by the names of Natkunam Selvarasa (also known as Madhi) aged 27 and Varapragasam Morrison (35) were abducted at 4.30 a.m. on January 8.

They had been employees at a wine store down St. Mary’s Road, Mattakkuliya, Colombo 15. Another employee who had witnessed the abduction, who did not want to reveal his name, told The Sunday Leader, “Selvarasa and Morrison both worked at the wine store and they were accommodated in the upstair unit, just next to the wine store. Altogether four people live upstairs, as there are two rooms. Six people came over the tall parapet wall and I believe that they had climbed onto the staircase with the aid of the signboard.

Gun in hand

“Another man remained down stairs, by the spiral staircase with a machine gun in his hand. The other man was standing by the van that they had come in. Altogether there were eight men.” Explaining the events that took place in the wee hours of the morning, he said, “Six of them came to the bedroom, which was shared by myself and another employee of the wine store. One man pointed the gun at my head and asked for my ID. Four of the men started to assault me.

“Then they went to the other room, in which the abducted two (Selvarasa and Morrison) were sleeping in. They then tied their hands with the T-Shirts and took them away. Along with them, they also took five mobile phones belonging to all of us, Rs.10,000 belonging to another employee, clothes which were in backpacks etc. The van in which these men came was blue in colour, with tinted windows. One man threatened me saying that if I tried to look at the licence plate from upstairs, he will come back and kill me, so I could not see the number plate.”

Selvarasa hailed from Kilinochchi, but had lived and worked in Colombo for over seven years. He is unmarried and he is the breadwinner of the family. While his parents still live in Kilinochchi, every month, Selvarasa had been sending them money for their day to day living. Morrison hails from Delft, but had been residing in Colombo for nearly 15 years. He is married with three children who live in Jaffna.

According to relatives, even though they were informed about the abduction, they have no way of coming to Colombo, since the A9 road is closed.

However, there had not been any assistance from the Police Post, which is just a few feet away from where the abductions took place.

A complaint had been lodged at the Crime Branch, Modera Police Station, but nothing had been heard about the two missing persons up to now.

In the same area, two brothers, S. N. Ketheeswaran (31) and S. N. Kanapathy (27) were abducted on January 10, between 8.45 p.m. and 9.00 p.m. They had been working as driver and conductor in a bus (Route 155).

The elder brother was the owner of the bus.

No threats before

Kamaraj, another brother of the two told The Sunday Leader, “I am stationed in Qatar. After I heard the news of the abduction of my two brothers, I immediately returned to Sri Lanka in order to find out what exactly happened. Only two people out of the 11 abducted in January had been released and I do not know what happened to my two brothers. We have never received any threats before, nor have we received any calls after the abduction.”

He said that after making the initial complaint, the family has been visiting the police station frequently, but hasn’t heard anything about them. “They say that if they received any information they would let us know. Neighbours say that my brothers have been taken to the fourth floor for questioning , but we are unaware of it. We have informed the ICRC and the Human Rights Commission but so far nothing has been heard. Since the finance for the bus has to be paid, another person is operating it at present. About six months ago, my elder brother Ketheeswaran was arrested under suspicion, but was later released. We were born in Mannar. There are eight in our family. My mother still lives in Mannar, but as soon as they were informed of the incident my father came to Colombo. Ketheeswaran is a father of two girls aged seven and one and a half years,” Kamaraj further said.

The others abducted were Kandhasamy Soundrakumar (27) on January 8 from Wellawatte,and Sivasubramaniyam Sridhran (25) and M. Suvendran (24) from Garment Watte, Karande in Puttalam on January 9 at 8 p.m. [thesundayleader.lk]

In support of the ‘Majority Report’ of the Experts Panel on Constitutional Reform

Letter to the eleven Members of the Experts Panel on Constitutional Reform and sent on 19 January 2007:

Deshamanya R. K. W Gunasekera
Mr. Faiz Mustapha PC
Dr. Nirmala Chandrahasan
Mr. Asoka Gunawardena
Dr. Sivaji Felix
Dr. Rohan Perera PC
Ms. Therese Perera PC
Mr. N. Selvakumaran
Dr. K. Vigneswaran
Dr. Jayampathy Wickramaratne PC
Ms. Malkanthy Wickremasinghe

At this critical juncture in our country’s history, you have responded magnificently to the task of formulating a Constitutional Framework for the Political Resolution of Sri Lanka’s National Problem.

It is the first time that a representative group of Experts, comprising academics, civil servants, lawyers and professionals, has been asked at the highest political and executive level to collegially deliberate on all aspects of our National Problem and reach a reasonable consensus towards a political solution.

The document that you have produced is of immense importance for Sri Lanka’s political and constitutional future and your collective effort in producing it will go down in history as an act of rare courage, bold vision and great integrity.

While reflecting the rich diversity of the “constituent peoples of Sri Lanka”, you have risen above our ethnic differences and brought into political relief our common humanity.

You have proposed the foundation upon which we can build a new Lanka inclusive of the Sinhalese, the Sri Lankan Tamils, the Muslims and the Upcountry Tamils.

Most of all, your proposals resonate with the views and opinions of the political moderates among all communities and reinforce the genuine interests of all the people of Sri Lanka.

For all of this we congratulate you and we offer our fullest support to the process that you have set in motion.

Although four Panel members have expressed concerns on specific details in the Majority Report, and two other members have put forward their individual viewpoints, it is fair to say that the Majority Report provides a reasonably compromised and remarkably consensual road map for effecting the necessary constitutional changes towards a political resolution.

As well, the Majority Report synthesizes and builds on all the compacts, pacts, agreements and understandings of the past that mark our long and tortuous search for a political solution to our national problem.

After the informal understanding between D.S. Senanayake and G.G. Ponnambalam, in 1949, within the compact that was the Soulbury Constitution, came the more formal pacts and proposals of later years. The long list of them includes the celebrated Bandaranaike–Chelvanayakam Pact (1957), the Dudley Senanayake-Chelvanayakam Pact (1965), the Development Councils Act (1980), the Parthasarathy Proposals and Annexure “C” (1984), the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement and the Thirteenth Amendment (1987), the Interim Report of the Mangala Moonesinghe Parliamentary Select Committee (1992), the Devolution Proposals (August 1995 and January 1996), and the Constitution of the Republic of Sri Lanka Bill (2000).

Every one of these earlier attempts foundered at the altar of political expediency, victims of feudal and narrow political interests overriding the interests of the Country and its People. All Sri Lankans have paid dearly for these failures and the country that should have become an economic and cultural paradise in the Indian Ocean has become the land of death and destruction.

In setting up the All Party Consultations and the Experts Panel, President Rajapakse created yet another opportunity for all Sri Lankans to find a lasting political solution to our national problem.

These steps were also his and his government’s considered response to the pleas of the international community to pursue the certainty of a political solution instead of plunging the country into the uncertainties of war.

We note that Dr. Tissa Vitarana, the Chairman of the All Party Representatives Committee, has produced his own report incorporating most of the recommendations of the Majority Report for consideration by the Political Parties.

The onus is now on President Rajapakse and the leaders of the SLFP and the UNP to take the lead and act on these recommendations. The JVP and the JHU have predictably come out against the two reports. They are entitled to disagree with the recommendations of these reports for agreeing to disagree is a part of democracy, but it should not prevent the movement towards a political solution.

The Majority Report offers suggestions for rebuilding trust between the Government and the LTTE, and provides a reasonable basis for engaging the LTTE in political negotiations. We do not underestimate the difficulties inherent in either of these tasks, but it is the responsibility of the State to take the initiative towards a political solution.

Failure to take the political initiative will only enable the LTTE to define the terms of engagement. The LTTE will find it impossible to ignore, or reject, a political solution that has broad support among the Sinhalese, the Sri Lankan Tamils, the Muslims and the Upcountry Tamils, and carries the endorsement of the international community.

We are not suggesting that the all the recommendations in the Majority Report and Tissa Vitarana’s Report are unexceptionable, and some of them will need to be reassessed and modified during the finalization and implementation of the political solution.

But the time is now for the President other political leaders to commit themselves to work towards a political solution based on the two reports.

It is also the time for religious leaders, professional and trade union organizations, civil society groups, the Sri Lankan media and representatives of the international community to plead with and persuade Sri Lanka’s political leaders NOT to miss this opportunity.

Lastly, we once again salute you, the eleven Panel Members, and ask of you to continue to show the same courage and persistence, in the coming weeks and months, to facilitate the acceptance of your proposals by our political leaders.

Yours sincerely,

Rev. Paul Caspersz, Kandy
Lionel Bopage, Australia
Marshal Fernando, Colombo
Asela Jayanath, Australia
Nimalka Fernando, Colombo
Ajith Lakshman, Australia
Prof. Kumari Jayawardena, Colombo
Ajith Rajapakse, Australia
Silan Kadirgamar, Colombo
Dr. Michael Roberts, Australia
Prof. Vijaya Kumar, Kandy
Dr. Willie Senanayake, Australia
Jayaratna Malliyagoda, Kandy
Prof. S.T. Ariaratnam, Canada
Dr. Devanesan Nesiah, Colombo
Dr. Amali Philips, Canada
Bernadeen Silva, Colombo
Rajan Philips, Canada
Prof. H. Sriyananda, Colombo
Prof. Kumar David, Hong Kong
Prof. Jayadeva Uyangoda, Colombo
Sylvester Jayakody, Italy
Lal, Wijenayake, Kandy
Prof. N. Shanmugaratnam, Norway
P. Rajanayagam, UK
Dr. S.P. Wickremasinghe, UK
Prof. Shanta de Alwis, USA
Dr. A.R.M. Imtiyaz, USA

Copies to:

Hon. Dr. Tissa Vitarana, Chairman All Party Representatives Committee

Hon. D.E.W. Gunasekera, Minister of Constitutio

By Paul Raj
[Colombo 3]

This refers to the article written by K. Godage (KG) and published on January 10 on the above subject.

KG sates that the Indian PM has received the TNA delegation though the TNA is the proxy of the LTTE which has been banned by the Indian Govt. He further states that India has not joined the Co Chairs to support the peace process claiming that they have banned the LTTE even though other members of the Co-Chairs too have banned the LTTE. KG must understand that the Indian PM talked to TNA members who were elected by the Tamil people in the General Elections conducted by the GOSL in 2004 and not by the LTTE to represent them.

If these members were chosen by the LTTE leadership, then of course the GOSL could object to the meeting with the Indian PM and express its disapproval.

Further, India could not join the Co-Chairs in the peace process since India was directly affected due to the murder of Rajiv Gandhi and at the negotiating table it is the leaders of the LTTE like Anton Balasingham (now no more) Thamilselvan and others who participated with the Sri Lankan Govt. representatives. Therefore the Indian Govt. position is correct.

Regarding the merger of the North and East, KG states that the Supreme Court ruling was that the late President had merged the provinces illegally. What the SC emphasized was that the way the N-E was merged was illegal. Therefore, if a motion is passed in Parliament for the merger of the N-E (may be with a 2/3 majority) then obviously it is not illegal. Hence, the Indian Govt. requesting the GOSL to merge the North and East Provinces is reasonable in order to satisfy the aspirations of the helpless minority rather than to give in to the demands of the majority community to demure and weaken the Tamil community.

KG further claims that there is no basis on which India could demand the GOSL to merge the North and east without a referendum and that the East of this country was never a traditional homeland of the Tamils and that the Sinhalese Kings ruled over the Eastern Province in the past. In stating this KG has forgotten that even today the whole of Sri Lanka including the N-E is ruled by a Sinhalese Govt. with the King at Temple Trees in Colombo. Does that mean that the North and East are not traditional homelands of the Tamils?

Whatever it is they are predominantly occupied by Tamil speaking persons, which includes Muslims as well. Therefore there is no reason why the N-E cannot be considered as one unit. The Tamils do not want themselves to be divided into smaller units to be weakened and finally annihilated from the East.

KG speaks of democracy and the referendum that should be held in the East for the merger. If he is strictly following principles of democracy then the people of the North also have the fundamental right to decide whether they would like to join with the East and therefore if a referendum is to be held it should he held in the N-E together.

Quoting Professors G.L. Peiris and others, KG states that the Eastern Province was never a part of the Jaffna Kingdom or the traditional homeland and that the LTTE and others are indulging in a land grab in the East.

On the contrary, it is the reverse process that is happening. The GOSL of the past and the present have been bringing Sinhalese settlements in the East under colonization schemes with a view to change the demographic pattern of the East and turn it into a Sinhala majority area. The recent military operation itself proves it. Security Forces have cleared the Tamils from Sampur and are now chasing them from Vakarai in the East under the guise of flushing out the Tigers.

KG, in the final para, has requested India to assist the GOSL to formulate proposals to devolve power so that the Tamil people could live as equal citizens with dignity and security. While welcoming such a request, I would like to know whether he will accept the proposals put forward by India when he cannot agree with India and criticize them on the issue of the merger of the Northh and East.

[A Reader's - Letter to the Editor, DailyMirror.lk]

“There has to be an alternative to a separate state” – Suresh Premachnadran

TNA Member of Parliament Suresh Premachnadran speaks to C.A.Chandraprema about the war, Indian intervention, the bus bombings, and the possibilities of a negotiated settlement.

Q. What does the Tamil National Alliance actually stand for, a separate state or the devolution of power?

A. From the 1950’s onwards, the Federal Party has consistently won in the North and East in the Tamil speaking areas. There was thus a mandate for a federal system. No government took this mandate given by the Tamil people into consideration. At one point, one Mr Navaratnam from Kayts formed a new party and said that a separate state was the only way forward for the Tamils because all the pacts entered into by Chelvanayagam with SWRD Bandaranaike and with Dudley Senanayake, were broken by the Sinhala leaders. But Chelvanayagan opposed this and said, “We have to be within a united Sri Lanka.” He fielded another candidate in Kayts and defeated Navaratnam. So till the 1970s, Chelvanayagam was for a federal state. But by 1976, Chelvanayagam himself had arrived at the conclusion that the only answer was a separate state. So we see a moderate political party being pushed into the position of advocating separatism. After that, various groups that emerged decided that violence was the only way to achieve this goal. When the Indo-Lanka Accord was signed, all Tamil groups accepted the accord and were willing to give it a try. The EPRLF formed the government in the north and east and was supported by various other groups. But even here, President Premadasa and other forces did not accept the Indo-Lanka Accord. They sent back the IPKF. Thus, whenever there is an attempt to work with the government, someone opposes it. There was also the case of the P-TOMS proposal by Chandrika Kumaratnga in the wake of the tsunami. Everybody supported this arrangement – the international community, the government, the LTTE, and even the United Nations. But the JVP went to courts and the courts put a stop to it. Before that, the LTTE had put forward the suggestion for an Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA). The demands they put forward, were very high. We are not denying that. But the LTTE was prepared to discuss it. They said, “Give us a time we can discuss the matter and come to some solution.” But when Ranil Wickremasinghe was willing to give a date for the discussions, Chandrika took over the three ministries and this proposal was shelved. Chandrika won the subsequent Parliamentary election with the support of the JVP and the ISGA proposal was put in the dustbin. Then again, after eighteen years, the north east merger has been declared null and void by the Supreme court. This was on a technicality. The court said that the two provinces could not be merged on a Presidential proclamation, and it had to be done through Parliament. But the government is doing its best to keep the two provinces separated with separate governors for the north and east being appointed. On the P-TOMS and North-East Merger, the Supreme Court bench that gave judgments on these matters, was entirely Sinhalese. There were no Muslims or Tamils. What the government is telling the TNA: “You can’t live with the Sinhalese. That is what they are telling us again and again. Even if we are trying to live in a united Sri Lanka, the government is pushing us in a different direction.

Q. Why do you consider the merger of the north and east to be so important? Two thirds of the Eastern province is Sinhalese and Muslim.

A. If you take the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayagam pact or the Dudley-Chelvanayagam pact, colonisation was one of the main points raised. If you go back beyond 1921, the proportions of Sinhalese, Muslims and Tamils in the Eastern province were different. By 1947, the demographic pattern in the east was totally changed because the government brought Sinhalese colonists into the east. We are not against the Sinhalese living in the east or in the north. You can check the census reports to see by what proportions the population of the eastern province grew as against the population growth in other areas of the country. This will show you how the Tamils and the Muslims are becoming minorities in their own area. This is the main reason why Chelvanayagam said that the Northern and Eastern provinces should be merged . Even today, the Muslims are blaming the government for implementing colonisation schemes in Potuvil and Panama. In the Amparai district, Muslims are the majority, but they have only 20% of the land. And the Sinhalese who constitute 24% of the population have 80% of the land. What we are saying is that in the north and east, the Tamil speaking people are in the majority. In a power sharing arrangement, or in an autonomous state, what we expect is that the Tamils will control the north and east while the Sinhalese will control the rest of the country. Just as there will be Tamils and Muslims in the Sinhala controlled area, there will be Sinhalese and Muslims in the Tamil controlled area.

Q. When you speak of autonomy and power sharing, are you expecting anything more than what the Indian states have got?

A. In various countries, there are various models for the devolution of power. The USA, Canada, Switzerland, all have their own systems. We fought for a separate state and 65,000 people have died. In that situation, there has to be some alternative to a separate state.

Q. India is also a participant in this process. We cannot think of any devolution package without taking into account India’s interests as well. If the powers devolved in Sri Lanka exceed the powers given to the Indian states, that will set off a chain reaction in India. There is a history of separatism in Tamil Nadu long before it started here in Sri Lanka.

A. India has already said that it is for a federal system in Sri Lanka. India itself is not a fully fledged federal system. It’s a quasi-federal system and the central government has most of the powers. The Indian government has never said that Sri Lanka should not go beyond the Indian model. Take for instance the 13th amendment which stipulated that the Sri Lanka central government can’t dissolve the north eastern provincial council for five years. But according to the Indian constitution, the Indian central government can dismiss a state government at any time. This provision was later amended by Premadasa and the north east government was dismissed. India is not rigid. India has never said that Sri Lanka has to follow the Indian model. We have held discussions with many important Indian personalities and they have never said that we should follow the Indian model.

Q. Do you seriously believe that after so many years of fighting for a separate state, the LTTE will settle for a federal System? In the late eighties the JVP had a slogan “The motherland or death!” Isn’t it the same for the LTTE?

A. But the JVP joined the democratic mainstream and now they are in Parliament…

Q. That’s after they were defeated.

A. The LTTE is prepared to talk. Their willingness to talk means that they are willing to come to a settlement within a united Sri Lanka. The LTTE knows that they cannot win a separate state through talks, so their willingness to negotiate is an indication that they are willing to come to an agreement short of a separate state. We have to sit and work it out. But successive governments of Sri Lanka have not made an effort in this direction.

Q. Do you think the LTTE can ever win a separate state through military means?

A. I do not know whether they can win the war. In 1979, Bull Weeratunga was sent to Jaffna to wipe out terrorism. What happened? That was twenty eight years ago. At that time we had only Shotguns. Now, they have artillery and multi barrel rocket launchers. And they have sea tigers, air tigers and black tigers. I don’t know whether the LTTE can win this war, but I am sure the Sri Lankan government can’t win this war either. They can win some battles. The LTTE also won some battles. They overran Elephant Pass, they attacked Katunayake. Likewise the Army can also overrun camps.

Q. Do you envisage a never ending war?

A. I strongly feel that this is a political matter, we have to negotiate a settlement. The entire international community accepts that the Tamils are having problems which need to be solved. Even the Sri Lankan government accepts it. They have to sit and discuss the issue. Various people like the present Army commander may be advising the President that the LTTE can be defeated. Since the time of J.R.Jayewardene, how many thousands of government soldiers have been killed? Of course the LTTE also has suffered. What happened in Mulleitivu and various other places? Sarath Fonseka will be in the Army for another year. During that time he will say “Look, I can defeat the LTTE.” But by the end of next year, he will be at home and somebody else will take over. But they will not be able to defeat the LTTE totally. You can brand the LTTE as Fascists, but they are fighting for a cause and the people are with them. Now they are controlling a large area. Later they may decide to go back to the jungles and resort to guerrilla war. So these things will drag on…

Q. There have been ups and downs in the LTTE campaign. There was a point when they could overrun camps like Elephant Pass. Today, they have come down to individual assassinations and bus bombs. What would you say to this?

A. The government tried to overrun Muhamalai and come down to Elephant Pass. The Army Commander himself has accepted that over 300 soldiers died. Now the LTTE is having battle tanks as well – which were captured during the Muhamalai battle.

Q. Coming back to the bus bombs, this is exactly the kind of tactic used by terrorists in the West, bombing buses and trains. When the LTTE resorts to bus bombings, the west is going to stand up and take notice because this is what is happening in their own countries as well. Your comments?

A. I do not know whether the LTTE is to blame. They have denied involvement. There is some talk that Sinhala nationalists who have a history of armed uprisings have carried those out in order to pressure the government to ban the LTTE. That is one school of thought. The TNA is totally against this kind of killings. This is a case of killing innocent civilians. From the beginning the EPRLF was against this. There is also another matter to take into consideration. There is so much aerial bombardment in the north, and civilians are getting killed, as in Mannar and in Vakarai. We told the President several times not to do it. The government is trying to show the world that it is the LTTE targets that are being bombed. That however, is not the case. The LTTE is very much intact. They have been targeting civilians. The government says that the LTTE is using civilians as human shields. If people live in proximity to a Army camp and the LTTE attacks it killing civilians in the process, are we going to say that the Army was using civilians as human shields? An elected government has a duty to protect the ordinary people. If you take the past few months, there were no killing of civilians. There were no bus bombs and things like that. It is the government that started killing civilians. I do not know whether these bus bombings are in retaliation for that. But we as the TNA, totally condemn the killing of civilians.

Q. Would you be in favour of Indian intervention in Sri Lanka again like in 1987?

A. I don’t think India is in a position to send the Army once again. But India wants to solve this problem through negotiations.

Q. How is a solution going to be implemented without sending an Army?

A. If both the parties agree to a settlement, and agree to a settlement that won’t be necessary.

Q. Are you saying that you are against Indian intervention?

A. I don’t think the government of Sri Lanka or the LTTE will invite the Indian Army. Through various sources, we have come to know that India is not in a position to send an Army. We can talk and come to a settlement without the Indian Army. With the participation of Indian experts and officers, we can solve this through negotiations, without the need for an Army.

Q. When you are thinking of negotiations, who is the leader that you are talking of? Are young thinking of Mahinda Rajapakse or Ranil Wickremasinghe? Who in your view is the leader who would be most amenable to a solution?

A. It is the Sinhala people who have to decide on the best leader to solve this problem. We have seen so many leaders from J. R. Jayewardene’s time onwards. Chandrika Kumaratunga also said she was for peace, but what happened? She ended up saying it was “peace through war”. After Ranil Wickremasinghe was elected, he spoke of an international safety net, and Milinda Moragoda said that if the LTTE started a war, it would not be the Sri Lankan Army that will fight the LTTE but the American Army. Such nonsense was uttered by the UNP also. We have leaders but not statesmen. Here everybody is thinking about the next election.

Q. If the two provinces are merged and powers devolved, will you be willing to devolve similar powers to the Muslim and Sinhalese minorities living in the east?

A. If you envisage a scenario where the north and east are merged and power devolved, there will be Sinhala and Muslim minorities living in the east, and Tamil and Muslim minorities living in the south. Whatever the powers given to the minorities living in the south will also be given to the minorities living in the north and east. I strongly feel that there should be some sort of institutional arrangement in the east for the Muslims. They have issues of religion and security and they do not have much faith in the Tamils. As a Tamil I feel that there should be some sort of an institutional arrangement with the Muslims in the east which should be worked out through negotiations. [island.lk]