tamilweek.com/news-features

By Manel Abhayaratna.

The theme for this year’s International Day for the Eradication of Poverty which falls on the 17th of October is “Working together out of poverty” .As is usual in our country, our various analysts, social and political and numerous NGO’s, if they do remember the day ,will have discussions and seminars to discuss how poverty could be eradicated. Can it ever be ,if the rich ignore the situation and the moralists preach that the poor are poor because of their own lackadaisical attitudes?

It has been stated that 23% of people in this country still live under the national poverty line and though between 1990/91 and 2002 the per capita consumption increased by 29% in real terms, and the average consumption for the richest 20% of the population increased by 50%, that of the poorest showed an increase of only 2% .While this confirms a rather trite saying that the rich get richer and the poor poorer,the inequality between urban and rural areas has been also widening with those living in rural/remote areas being left out of the benefits from economic development. One of the most widespread problems caused by the present economic trend of globalisation is thatit has intensified competition which is creating social instability and the financially weakest are most vulnerable

Poverty alleviation is , as has been said is often a pet topic at seminars and discussions and monumental research has been done as to how the vicious circle of poverty could be broken, but poverty cannot be erased with mere good intentions or with intellectual rationality. The actuality of poverty influences every situation and has its impact on the every decision taken by those caught in the web of poverty. When we talk child labour and denounce it , pass legislation and make moraljudgements on the poor who have given away their children for employment , we are judging them from our comfortable middle class concepts , for, to the poor suffering immense hardships in the North central colonies , and in the marginalized areas in the Uva province , giving their child for employment is also a sacrifice but it is done with the well being of the child in mind, the impoverished parents believe that their child will at least get a square meal , and if they were to trust the prospective employee at least a basic education. This same attitude prevails when we condemn the marginalized for not sending their children to school. We claim that as they have received cloth for school uniforms and free text books, then there is no reason, according to our thinking as to why they should not attend school. To a child he needs more that a uniform and some books , he has an innate desire to be respected and his self esteem is at risk when he does not have an exercise book or a pencil and the teachers ridicule him.

The concept of the present government is to bring to the village the facilities and infrastructure that exist in urban areas, but once again, will such piecemeal development really alleviate poverty? The Government’s framework for poverty reduction advocates a three-pronged strategy that is , improving economic and social opportunities for the poor, and broad-basing the benefits of growth; providing security to people unable to participate in mainstream economic activities and protecting excluded, marginalized and vulnerable groups; and empowering people to lead decent lives, with a voice in decision making so that they will enjoy dignity, freedom, social esteem and self-respect. The poverty framework also aims to identify new roles for local government, the private sector, and civil society in poverty reduction.

One of the efforts by the Government in poverty reduction was the Samurdhi Programme introduced in 1994, aiming to provide support to provide social services and a social safety net to very poor households. Unfortunately this programme appears to have taken on the aspect of a handout welfare programme deviating from the essential Janasaviya programme which was to give a helping hand to the marginalized so that they would within a period of time become self reliant. Today this programme has become a political gimmick which benefits more often than not those who are protégées of political parties .

Poverty has to be understood in its totality and if one wants to make even a dent in reducing the existing poverty, then it is necessary that the authorities go to grass -root levels to see why such poverty exists and from that premise work out the needed solutions In fact programmes for poverty eradication must be discussed at grassroot level. People living in poverty must be empowered through organization and participation in the planning and implementation of policies that affect them, thus enabling them to become genuine partners in their development.

Each situation will certainly differ but the basic reason would be lack of access to resources especially financial viability. For this purpose and in this context it would be necessary for the pradesiya sabha to conduct surveys and see how it would be possible to build up a community that has the ability to promote its own economic development. One of the essential needs would be to create opportunities to set up micro finance thrift and credit societies. In fact the award of the Nobel Peace Prize to Mr Yunus of Bangladesh who started the Grameen Banks and developed thrift and credit societies to help the marginalized enter and control their own economic growth, show how important this aspect is for eradicating poverty, especially in the context of an open market economy . As Mr Muhumad Yunus said in an interview after hearing that he had been awarded half the Nobel prize and the other half was to the Grameen Bank ‘For any human right — the right to work, shelter, education — a person needs to be enabled to do it. Society can create the environment where this takes place, but the fundamental thing with human beings is self-employment, for someone to unleash their own potential, to unwrap that gift of one’s self and find out who you are. With credit, people can begin to create income and improve their lives. If the right to credit is established first, then it makes other human rights easier to achieve.” Government authorities should mobilize the NGO’s at grass root level to organize thrift and credit societies as the first step to eradicate poverty .

Another important aspect that the authorities should turn their attention is to regularize the ownership of land. Often land has been doled out under various schemes but no proper deed of ownership has been given to those to whom the land has been allocated, or in certain instances conditions have been imposed . These prevent the poor especially in the distant colonies in the North central province and the Uva province from using the land as a collateral to obtain financial facilities to develop the land or improve its production.

It is essential that government follows a uniform scheme to provide for ownership for poverty it has been said is inseparably linked to lack of control over resources, including land, skills, knowledge, capital .

Sustainable livelihood programmes too should be developed. Sustainable Livelihoods principles hold that poverty-focused development activity should be people-centred. Sustainable poverty elimination will be achieved only if external support focuses on what matters to people’s lives, understands the differences between people and then works with them in a way that is congruent with their current livelihood strategies, social environments and ability to adapt.The programmes should be responsive and participatory. Poor people themselves must be key actors in identifying and addressing livelihood priorities, and ‘outsiders’ need to adopt processes that ensure they listen and respond. Further ,it should be multi-level.The scale of the challenge of poverty elimination is enormous, and can only be achieved by working at multiple levels, ensuring that micro level activity informs the development of policy and an effective enabling environment and that macro level structures and processes support people to build upon their own strengths, and it needs to be conducted in partnership: with both the public and the private sector (including civil society/non-governmental organisations);

The cooperative forms of ownership and sharing of profits should be introduced into communities that are caught in the poverty trap. The community should be given awareness programmes of the cooperative movement and its inherent benefits The cooperative form of organizing a business enterprise assures any group of individuals an effective means to combine their resources, however small. It permits a larger resource mobilization than that within the capacity of most individuals and small enterprises. It is a catalyst for local entrepreneurial growth since cooperatives retain within the communities in which they operate the capital that they mobilize there, as well as surplus derived from outside transactions. Since most of the poor are in the rural areas , cooperative farms should be promoted and developed, so that the community using the cooperative principles will seek to be self sufficient and gain cooperative ownership of the facilities needed such as winnowing machines , rice mills etc. Further methods of packeting and marketing too can be done under the cooperative system.

Another aspect that should be considered and encouraged is to obtain the assistance of large private sector organizations to invest and develop selected areas .In fact one innovative scheme that was introduced by a parliamentarian from a southern electorate was to invite those who had left the area and who were in business or in lucrative positions to either provide a job for an inmate of a household or to donate a sum of money to set up a self employment project. Perhaps such schemes could be introduced in other areas too.

The authorities when they profess a commitment to poverty alleviation tend to focus on resources and facilities or on structures that provide services such as education etc rather than the people themselves .Essentially any programme for poverty eradication must place people firmly as the starting point for development activity. The benchmark for success is whether the lives of the people have improved .

This refocusing on the poor will make a significant difference to the achievement of poverty eradication goals.We who are comfotable in our various niches of financial security must extend a hand to the poor so that they could break out of the vicious circle of their poverty for as F. Joseph Wresinski states “Wherever men and women are condemned to live in extreme poverty, human rights are violated. To come together to ensure that these rights be respected is our solemn duty”. [dailymirror.lk]

By: Dr. Rajasingham Narendran

The events during the past few months in Sri Lanka, rather vividly portray a nation trapped in its past, unable to deal objectively with its present and without a rational vision for its future. The Sinhalese are being led by their politicians, into the same trap the Tamils are being led by the LTTE. Most Sinhala politicians and the LTTE have found convergence in functioning like blinkered horses. They know only to run in one direction towards the goals they have pre-set for themselves. The unsaid goal for the Sinhala politicians is a Sinhalese dominated Sinhala-Buddhist Sri Lanka. The indisputable goal for the LTTE is of course an LTTE dominated Tamil Ealam, within the island, even if the area they claim would have been laid waste and lost forever the requisites for being the land of the Tamils. Unless a drastic change in attitudes and goals is forthcoming immediately, the future is bound to be worse than the present.

The Supreme Court decision that the merger of the North- East is not valid in law has undermined the only gain achieved through the Indian intervention in the late 1980s. The facts that the conditions in the North and East are not conducive to a referendum being held on the question of the merger and that a large number of Tamils and Muslims have been displaced from their places of residence have not been taken into account by the Supreme Court. A decision on a political issue has been made based on a minor point in law, by the Supreme Court at the most inappropriate time and this is unfortunate. The temporary merger that has continued for almost 19 years, to meet a political need has been declared invalid at a very critical moment in our history. The decision has proved that justice in Sri Lanka can be blind, unwise and uneven, and indirectly serve the interests of Sinhala extremists. Law and not morals have become the last refuge of these extremists.

[Sri Lanka Supreme Court]

The petition to the Supreme Court filed by the JVP on the issue of the merger was opportunistic, unwise and short sighted. The JVP has taken advantage of the alienation of Tamils and Muslims in the East brought about by the senseless, violent and myopic actions of the LTTE. It has behaved like a vulture waiting to feed on a carcass. It is unfortunate that the JVP has found its niche among the Sinhala extremist fringe in Sri Lanka. The Supreme Court decision has, I hope inadvertently, played into the hands of this fringe and severely damaged the efforts of the moderate Tamils to seek an accommodation with the Sinhalese people, under extremely difficult and unfavourable conditions. Whether a free and fair election for Provincial Council can be held in the Eastern Province acceptable to the besieged Tamils and Muslims under the prevalent conditions, has been lost sight in the rush to seek an end the Northeast merger, to placate the Sinhala extremist fridge. The de-merger at this juncture will worsen the problems in Sri Lanka and make solutions more difficult and even impossible. The government has to seek ways and means of continuing with the temporary merger, until conditions in the North and East are conducive to conducting a referendum on this issue.

History can be a double-edged sword that can be used to draw favourable inferences by both the Sinhalese and Tamils. Until the Pali text of Mahanama’s Mahawamsa was discovered and translated by Geiger, the Sinhala nationalists did not have a reference point to work from. The Mahawamsa with its myths and in-built bias has become the last refuge of the Sinhala extremists. Other scraps of information, gleaned from the larger panorama of history, are also used by both Sinhalese and Tamils to bolster their arguments for one cause or another. In recent weeks, the opinion that the Eastern Province was part of the Kandyan Kingdom of old has been raised by several Sinhala writers, to justify the de-merger, despite the recognition accorded in the Indo-Sri Lankan pact signed by Rajiv Gandhi and J.R.Jayawardene that these two provinces are the traditional homelands of the Tamils. Further, they have failed to also mention that the last King of Kandy, Sri Wickrema Rajasinghe, was a Tamil (Kannusamy) and his wife was also a Tamil (Rangamma). Most Dissawes of the Kandyan Kingdom, including Ratwatte Dissawe signed the Kandyan convention of 1815 in Tamil. It is also an established historical fact that when the Kandyan Kingdom was besieged by the British, food relief was sent from Jaffna by convoys of bullock carts. There was a special relationship between the Kandyan Sinhalese and the Tamils well into the early years of independence. There is a substantial presence of Tamils of ‘Recent Indian Origin’, who are presently Sri Lankan citizens in the Central and Uva provinces. Do these facts of history give the Tamils a claim to these provinces? Will the substantial presence of Tamils in certain areas of Colombo, justify a Tamil claim to parts of the Western province? Will the fact that the pearl fisheries in Chilaw (Sillawathurai) were controlled by the King of Jaffna, also permit a similar Tamil claim to this area?

[Sangiliyan statue in Jaffna, Photo:HA]

Do the presence of ancient Hindu temples throughout the presently Sinhala areas, existence of villages with clearly Tamil names (eg. Nalluruwa in Panadura, Nanjundankarai, Pallawi etc., on the Negombo-Chillaw road) and the likelihood that the Tamil-Hindu presence was substantial throughout Sri Lanka, at the advent of Buddhism and the beginnings of the evolution of the Sinhala language, give the right for the Tamils to lay claims to the whole island? Do facts like King Parakramabahu’s consort Sivagamasundari, was a Hindu Tamil, mean anything to the Sinhalese who want to bring back the ‘Perakum’ era! Until the sacred city scheme was implemented by S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike (as Minister of Local Government), there was a substantial presence of Tamils in the Anuradhapura district. Most of these Tamils were virtually driven out though various administrative instruments or using brutal force during ethnic riots. The Chairman of the Anuradhapura urban council at one time was a Tamil. Does this give the Tamils a claim to Anuradhapura now?

Kathirkamam (Katharagama) and its environs were also cleared of the Hindu- Tamil dominance by the sacred area scheme of Sirimavo Bandaranaike. The Ramakrishna Mission Refuge (Madam) near the Murugan temple at Kataragama was forcible taken over and has been made into a museum. Several other Hindu Refuges were also pushed out. The antics of the Buddhist monks on the climb to the temple on Vallimalai in Katharagama, cannot be forgotten. They not only hurled abuse on the Tamil-Hindu pilgrims making the climb, but also threw broken glass and other debris on their path! This temple on Vallimalai is now administered by Buddhist priests! Do the presence of the ancient Hindu temples in Katharagama, justify a claim by the Tamils for the Southern province? Will the presence of the Nagavihare in Nainativu and ruins of Buddhist places of worship or Buddha images in the Jaffna peninsula (Kantharodai, Chunnakam and Vallipuram) justify a Sinhala claim to the Northern Province?

The demographics of the Eastern Province were deliberately changed through state-sponsored colonization schemes. Kalaru become Gal Oya in the Eastern province, in the same way that Padavikulam became Padawiya and Manal Aru became Weli Oya subsequently in the Northern Province. The break down of the population in the Eastern Province, by ethnicity, beginning with the earliest to the latest census, will reveal how the ethnic ratios have been influenced by government sponsored colonization schemes and a brutal civil war. The Sinhala presence in the Eastern Province which was originally negligible has grown to represent a third of the population at present. It is also very likely that a majority of the Sinhalese in Sri Lanka has Tamil origins and with the adoption of Buddhism as their religion and development of Sinhala as their language, developed an anti- Tamil stance egged on by Buddhist monks’ intent on promoting the survival of Buddhism. The gradual Sinhalization of an originally Tamil population has unfolded in front of our very eyes on the Western seaboard stretching from Wattala to Chilaw. A similar process has unfolded in South India, where Tamil has evolved into Malayalam through interactions with Sanskrit, and the ‘Tamil Sera Nadu’ has become the present day Kerala. Does it make any sense in the 21st century to deal with serious problems confronting our country with arguments based on history, that can never be resolved, rather than on the realities confronting us now? Only an insane people would resort to such nonsense!

How can a government which is perceived by most minorities as representing only the Sinhalese seek a peaceful settlement of the debilitating ethnic problem, if it does not appear to be honest, fair and even handed in its approach at least now? While recent history cannot be and should not be forgotten, it should be used only as a yard stick to take measure of events in the present and future. It is incumbent on the government- executive, legislative and judicial- to overcome past mistakes and ensure a future that is consonant with the times and circumstances. The very survival of Sri Lanka as one country and its economic development are hinged on this. The failure of the Sinhala dominated governments in Sri Lanka, to treat minorities as equal citizens and their attempt to impose Sinhala-Buddhist hegemony over the entire island, gave birth to the concept of Tamil homelands. The Tamils, being inhabitants of the island from times immemorial, though reduced to a national minority status because of the vagaries of history, realized that they could only stop further ravages by laying claim to areas in which they were preponderant, as their safe havens. This was a self-preservative and defensive reaction that resulted from the actions and perceived intentions of Sinhalese dominated governments. There can be no compromise on the North and East being considered the traditional areas of residence of the Tamils and Tamil speaking Muslims. This however should not preclude the acceptance of the Sinhalese people in the East as legitimate residents of this province. In the early years of independence, most Tamils considered themselves as citizens of Sri Lanka, with the freedom to live in any part of the island without fear or restrictions. This concept was destroyed when battered and brutalized Tamils had to flee from predominantly Sinhala areas to seek refuge amongst their own kind in the North and East, starting in 1958. The threats by Lalith Athulathmudali that Sinhalese have to be forcibly settled in the North and the Tamils forced out, to end the Tamil rebellion, further reinforced Tamil fears about Sinhala intensions.

The attack on Tamils and Muslims in the Dambulla and Habarana areas, and the attacks on Tamil-owned shops in Galle by virulent Sinhala elements, after the recent LTTE outrages, once again underline the tenuous position of the Tamils in Sri Lanka. The LTTE embodies the worst reactions of the Tamils to the Sinhala outrages. It has become a force that has outgrown the Tamils and overwhelmed them. The Tamils are victims of the LTTE as much or more than the Sinhalese are at present. The LTTE cannot be wished away, just because the Sinhala polity wants it to be so. The wrongs perpetrated on the Tamils have to be remedied and the system of governance in Sri Lanka has to be changed radically, if such LTTE outrages are to be prevented in the future. The LTTE will become irrelevant to the Tamils, once the ethnic problems are resolved in a comprehensive and just manner. If the LTTE rejects such a solution and carries on regardless in its present ways, it will find itself marginalized. To survive it has to reform and find a niche for itself in Tamil political life. The Tamils themselves are going to face a Herculean task to unload the LTTE off their backs and will have to deal with more violence on this score once an acceptable solution is presented to them by the Sinhala polity. Perceptions are as important as substantive solutions now. The Tamils have to be won over to the cause of a ‘United Sri Lanka’ by every means possible, although unfortunately this possibility has been seriously eroded in recent months by the words and deeds of the Sinhala extremists and the decision of the Supreme Court.

Although the present is heavily pregnant with opportunities, a late abortion or stillbirth, through the machinations of extremists on both sides of the ethnic divide, seems also very likely. The SLFP- UNP agreement to work together to resolve Sri Lanka’s problems, including principally the ethnic problem, is a historic event. The details of this agreement point to a political maturity hitherto unseen in independent Sri Lanka. This agreement is the only glimmer of hope in the horizon for Sri Lanka. The whole nation- Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims- have to pray, hope and work to make sure this opportunity to solve our problems is also not frittered away, due to personal ambitions, chauvinism and grand standing. The Muhamalai debacle and the subsequent events in Dambulla and Galle, point to a serious miscalculation of LTTE’s determination, military capability and ruthlessness by the government of Sri Lanka. The achievements of the Mahinda Rajapakse government in seeking an acceptable solution to the ethnic problem, winning over the moderate Tamils and containing the LTTE have been frittered away within a few days, because of it’s over estimation of its military capability. The Mahinda Rajapakse government has become the victim of its own short-term success. The LTTE can be weakened only by offering comprehensive and wide-ranging political solutions to the Tamils and Muslims. Until this is done, the LTTE will be considered worthy of continued existence by most Tamils, even if they do not agree with its mores and morals.

Vidyatharan, the editor of the Tamil daily ‘Uthayan’ (rediff.com, Oct 17, 2008), has clearly stated referring to Prabhaharan that,” He is committed to his cause. He wants a separate land for Tamils. He is not ready to settle for anything less than that.” Vidyatharan has met Prabhaharan several times and had carried messages from President Rajapakse to him. This well known fact has been now re-iterated by Vidhyatharan, a man close to the LTTE. An independent Tamil Ealam is the only goal of Prabhaharan and hence the LTTE. This has been also recently confirmed by Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam, the Member of Parliament (TNA) aligned with the LTTE, who said that a federal solution would not be acceptable. Where do we stand now in view of this uncompromising stance of the LTTE? Is there any point in seeking talks with the LTTE and frittering away valuable time and money? Is the government ready to concede an independent Tamil Ealam at the forthcoming talks? Can the Sri Lankan government mobilize its armed forces and the resources to fight the LTTE to the bitter end? Will the final outcome favour the LTTE or the Sri Lankan government? Will the Sinhalese, let alone the Tamils, be able to withstand the fallout? The LTTE has demonstrated its ability to carry out acts of terrorism in the Sinhala heartland and carry out attacks on the armed forces in the South in the past few days. Such a course of action was threatened by Tamil Selvan about a month back. The LTTE has infiltrated the South heavily during the four year ceasefire and is likely to activate the cells it has established island-wide. It has also established links with the criminal elements and sections of the armed forces in the South using money- which it has in plenty, as a tool. The LTTE has learnt from the Americans that everything has a price and if the right price is paid, what needs to done, can be done! Is the response of the government and the Sinhala people going to be to treat all Tamils as ‘Kotiyas (Tigers)’? If this is the inevitable and likely response, the likely outcome is going to be beyond the LTTE’s wildest expectations. The JVP and JHU are also likely to be waiting in the sidelines to collect their harvest. These are issues that have to be pondered seriously.

The future is at present an imponderable, while pregnant with both, immense opportunities and serious calamities. The seeds of failure are also taking root all round us at a rapid pace. President Mahinda Rajapakse has to take a bold and honest stand on solutions to the ethnic problem, while reigning in the forces of disruption. He cannot continue to be all things to all people, even if his intensions are above board. The agreement he reached with the UNP has made it possible for him to do what needs to be done, in the interests of our country. The Tamils and Muslims have to be presented with a comprehensive and wide-ranging solution immediately. The political culture in Sri Lanka has to be changed beyond recognition. The government has to engage with the moderate Tamils and Muslims, who have no vested interests other than the welfare of their people and that of Sri Lanka, in arriving at an acceptable solution. If this solution is unacceptable to the LTTE, its supporters and the international community should do what ever is needed to convince it. Such a solution should be backed by the International community including India in a meaningful manner and made to stick, come what may.

An increase in Teacher salaries needed

The Sri Lankan Government must build on its achievements and fulfil its primary responsibility for delivering essential services, education, basic health, water and sanitation to all equitably, a new Oxfam International report said today.

Though Sri Lanka leads it’s neighbours on the human development index and has the highest literacy rate in the region with over 90% of all adults literate. Yet, the teachers in Sri Lanka are paid the lowest of all government officials in Sri Lanka, which has led to low teacher morale forcing them to take second jobs, the report said. Even in the provision of health, water and sanitation services again Sri Lanka leads the region but 22% of its population still remains without access to safe drinking water. Creeping user fees at public health facilities as well as the inadequate health facilities in the plantation areas keep out the poorest of the poor from accessing basic facilities.

Key recommendations include ensuring teacher salaries are increased to at least 3.5 times the national per capita GDP.

`Serve the Essentials: What Governments and Donors Must Do to Improve South Asia’s Essential Services’ assesses the effectiveness of state services in primary education, basic health and water and sanitation in six South Asian countries – India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Sri Lanka, Nepal and Bangladesh – and reveals that the situation is worrying. It urges all South Asian governments to undertake a more activist role in meeting developmental challenges head-on.

“Sri Lanka has shown immense commitment in the past to social development. What it needs now is to renew that strong commitment by improving access to basic services for the plantation workers, the tsunami and conflict affected people in the country ” said Joan Summers, Country Programme Representative, Sri Lanka “The Sri Lankan government can prioritise and stem regional disparities in delivering the essential services with a mixture of right policies and sincere political commitment.”

Mr Jean Dreze, eminent economist and social activist, in his foreword to the report, said, “Essential services are fundamental rights of all citizens, rather than a form of state largesse. This report makes excellent use of the comparative perspective within South Asia and shows that every country in the region has much to learn from its neighbours.”

The report advocates against user fees for essential services, for legislation on `right to information’ to combat corruption and for a focus on access for women. The report recognises the urgent need to build capacities in public delivery systems and advocates fruitful collaboration between the state and non-state agencies in delivering essential services.

`Serve the Essentials’ also calls upon NGOs and citizens to monitor their government’s promises on essential services. The report is a wake-up call to leaders and ordinary citizens to make universal provisioning of essential services an immediate reality across South Asian countries.

[Full Text of press release, Oxfam International, No 8, Kinross Avenue, Colombo-4, Sri Lanka

By Dushiyanthini Kanagasabapathipillai

“Natya Kala Mandir”, Centre for Visual and Performing Arts celebrated its 30th anniversary on October 14th 2006. It presented ” Paadha Laalithyam”, Concert of Classical Dances at Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall. South Indian Film fame and classical dance Vineeth graced the occasion.

Vineeth hails from “God’s own country” Kerala. Now he is being trained in advanced dancing under the guidance of Padmabhushan, Dr. Padma Subramaniyam in Chennai.

He has worked with renowned film directors in India such as G. Aravindan, Shaji N. Karun, Bharathan, K. Balachandar, Hariharan, Fazil, Priyadarshan and Shankar to name a few. His favourite films are “Aavarampoo”, “Sargam”, “Ghazal”, Kaabooliwala”, “Manathevellitheril”, “Kaathal Thesam”, “Aaropraanam”, and “Chandramukhi”. These films won the hearts of Vineeths’ fans.

Vineeth is surrounded by his little fans in Sri Lanka

He graced “Paadha Laalithyam” (Concert of Classical Dances) of “Natya Kala Mandhir” on its 30th Anniversary Celebrations

Vineeth is on the stage with Kalasuri Vasugy Jegatheeswaran

“I am delighted to be here in front of an elite group of dancer lovers of Sri Lanka” says Vineeth

He enjoys a video slide of a song (Raa Raa), which is being screened from “Chandramukhi” movie. He has danced for this particular song in the movie with Jyothika, which won the hearts of his Tamil fans

He honours Kalasuri Arunthathy Sriranganathan

“I am honoured to witness an excellent concert of classical dances in Sri Lanka. Our dancing Gurus always send the blessings for their disciples, whenever they perform. Thier blessings lead to a successful performance by the dancers” says Vineeth, who was the chief guest of “Paadha Laalithyam” of “Natya Kala Mandhir”

Vineeth greets the first student of “Natya Kala Mandhir” Dr. Mirnalini Kumarathas

Vineeth greets the audience along with Kalasuri Vasugy Jegatheeswaran and her students

“Aaraththi” is performed at the end of the concert to dismiss ill evils, and for the well being of the participating artistes

Source: humanityashore

Contact: Dushi.Pillai@gmail.com

By Dushiyanthini Kanagasabapathipillai

Paadha Laalithyam:

“Natya Kala Mandhir”, Centre for Visual and Performing Arts was found in 1976 by Kalasuri Vasugy Jegatheeswaran. Seventy five students of “Natya Kala Mandhir” has performed “Arangetram”.

It celebrated its 30th anniversary on October 14th 2006. “Paadha Laalithyam” – A Concert of Classical Dances, was held at the Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall to celebrate the anniversary. South Indian film star, and classical dancer Vineeth graced the occasion.

70 dancers took part in sixteen different dance performances. Ravibandhu Samanthi Narthana Ayathaneya’s artistes added colours to the concert in the dusk.

Kalasuri Vasugy Jegatheeawaran’s parents are wedded to classical music and dance. Her mother Late Vijayalakshmi was a reputed dancer. Her father Shanmugampillai was a well know “Miruthangam” player. Kalasuri Vasugy Jegatheeswaran performed her “Arangetram” in 1976. She started to dance at a tender age of three. She was trained by “Padmasri” Adaiyar K. Lakshman.

Beautifully designed “Kolam” at the entrance of the hall. It’s designed with coloured rice and temple tree flowers

Traditionally dressed Tamil girls stay at the main entrance to welcome the dance lovers with “Panner” (Rose water), “Thiruneeru” (Holy Ash), “Santhanam” (Sandalwood), and “Kunkumam” Traditionally dressed Tamil girls stay at the main entrance to welcome the dance lovers with “Panner” (Rose water), “Thiruneeru” (Holy Ash), “Santhanam” (Sandalwood), and “Kunkumam” (Vermilion)

“Nrithya Upachara”
An invocatory item in praise of all deities

“Nritta Swaravali”
An item of pure dance

“Manthra Pushpam”
An item paying obeisance to the Sun God, Guru, Shakthi, Vinayagar, and Saraswathi

“Siva Ganesha Sthuthi”
a dance form in worship to Lord Shiva, Lord Ganesha, and Lord Murugan

“Mayura Narthanam”
Fusion dance based on Sinhala and Tamil traditional folk styles. This was performed by the artistes of Natya Kala Mandhir, and Ravibandu Samanthi Narthana ayathaneya

“Gajaga Vanthana”
A fusion of Sinhala and Tamil traditional dance forms centered on Lord Ganesha

“Janmaboomi”
A dance in praise of our Motherland Sri Lanka

“Yugala”
A classical Kandyan dance recital set to elaborate rhythmic patterns. This was performed by the artistes of Ravibandhu Samanthi Narthana Ayathaneya

Towards Peace
Depicting the preachings of Lord Buddha

Nadarajar idol is dressed and kept along with a “Kumbam” on the stage

“Rama Nataka Kirthanam”
Rama and Seetha meet in eye to eye, and spring their emotions of love in Mithilai

“Layakavithai”
A rhythmic poem in praise of the Guru

“Thrithwa”
A contemporary concept of dance based on Sri Lankan, and Indian classical dance forms. This was performed by the artistes of Ravibandhu Samanthi Narthana Ayathaneya

Ecstasy
Experiencing the divine Love and Joy

“Shrinkar”
A folk dance depicting the natural beauty of the earth

“Nriththa Angaharam”
A dance composition based on Bharathanatyam and Kathak styles

“Suba Mangalakaram”
The finale-salutation by all the participating artistes to all saints for the blessings showed upon them

A cross section of dance lovers

Source: humanityashore

Contact: Dushi.Pillai@gmail.com

By K.T. Kumaran

To say what’s in the heart was first taught to young Brian by his uncle and Marxist Sri Lankan leader Edmund Samarakody, in the aftermath of the disfranchisement of millions of plantation workers because they were Tamils. In a gathering of approximately 2,000 people near the Mount Lavania hotel and in the presence of leaders such as Dr. N.M. Perera and Dr. Colvin R de Silva Brian was suddenly called upon to address.

Cohering to the quick word of advice from his Marxist uncle then to now, Dr. Brian Seneviratne has been speaking from his heart on the plight of the people in Sri Lanka for the past 40 years.

Dr. Brian Seneviratne spoke as the honored guest at the 39th Annual General Meeting of The Ilankai Tamil Sangam USA, on Saturday October 14th at the Somerset Marriott in New Jersey.

Addressing the gathering at dusk, he recapped the events leading upto his political activism gaining in momentum after 1983. Dr. Brain Seneviratne, said he wrote an apology, his first political writing, to his wife, a Tamil – for the injustices committed by the Sinhala leaders.

Dr. Brian Seneviratne said many Sri Lankan leaders, such as President J.R. Jayawardane used to dismiss his pleas and campaigns for justice to minorities as lopsided. “This is his wife speaking, not Brain, was JR’s take”, he recalled. But Dr. Senevitatne emphasized that if not for her, he will be more forceful in his writings. Instead of “President Chandrika Kumaratunga” it would have been “the mother of all liars”, he quipped.

Sangam’s guest of honor pledged that he stands in solidarity for justice to all people of Sri Lanka. He said, “sympathy with Sinhala people being misled, and concern for the Muslim people” are all in his heart when considering the current situation of Sri Lanka. “It’s a humanitarian issue”, Dr. Seneviratne said. He stressed that his activism is on a humanitarian basis and not a Sinhalease person.

Speaking to a captive audience with wit and vigor, the septuagenarian consultant Physician now based in Australia talked at length about his pleas and discussions with his relatives who were at the helm of political power in Sri Lanka. He said his criticism of standardization in university education was turned down by Prime Minister Srimavo Bandaranayake. And when he visited Jaffna at the time when he was 14 years of age, he realized that the North was not going to be developed by the Sinhala leaders. “This is a different country”, was what went through his mind when traveling through Killinochchi decades ago. “Tamils worked to put the map of Sri Lanka in the world”, and said he hates to say that what is happening to them now is “genocide”.

He requested the audience to get involved and raise the awareness. “There is no time to wait,” Dr. Brian Seneviratne said. He also urged to stop the Tamil internecine fighting, to the audience applaud. “Sinhala people have divisions, but one when it’s coming to hate Tamils. And that’s why they were able to brand Tamils as ‘terrorists’”, he said. On the entire current situation he said, “it’s a deception of a country by Sinhala hoodlums”.

Dr. Brian Seneviratne pointed out three “solutions” that could reverse the current trend. Lobbying the international community, the military power of LTTE and influencing Sinhala people to pressure President Mahinda Rajapakse to come to his senses.

He thanked the audience and Sangam Committee members, for assisting and facilitating him during the current visit to the United States of America.