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by K.T. Kumaran

“There never was a good war or a bad peace”, is wisdom from one of the Founding Fathers of America, Benjamin Franklin. Images being beamed into our homes for the past several days from Lebanon and Israel is evident to this.

A tenuous peace hung over Lebanon after decades of war. It ceded in seconds by rising dark smoke back to the sky from burning Beirut.

Some of the 90,000 Sri Lankans working in Lebanon also are caught in the cross fire. They have become yet another group of citizenry that’s been ‘failed’ by their state during the time of dire need of assistance.

Majority of these workers are women employed as housemaids. Major foreign exchange is earned from these migrant workers. The workers and their families were critical of GOSL inaction in their case on BBC’s “Sandhesaya” recently.

In the meantime President Rajapakse watched Lebanon burn and played his music of peace loving to visiting Indian journalists. It’s reported that he expressed pain over Israel’s bombings of Lebanon and complained that the West was silent over the killing of innocents.

However, Sheela Bhatt who was a member of the Indian women press corps writes in The Indian web portal Rediff that, “the President indirectly pointed out that if he had emulated Israel’s offensive on the Hezbollah bases and gone to war with the LTTE to weed them out of northern and eastern Sri Lanka, India and European countries would have protested strongly and intervened.”

Why the images being beamed from the Middle East didn’t compel the President to talk about showing sympathy to the innocent civilians of North-East dying every day is horrifying. Perhaps he never thinks of the civilians in the North-East. Instead what crossed his mind was, “aha, what if I can wage war with LTTE in a similar way.”

Comparing the Lankan and Lebanon situation is preposterous, except for the suffering of the civilians.

But some sections of the Colombo press and commentators also seemed eager to step into a “sovereign state” view of things and pondering the scenario for Lanka if she is Israel.

An NGO activist cum columnist of a Colombo daily wrote on July 25th, “The massive Israeli attacks on Hezbollah guerilla targets in Lebanon are evidence of the license that is given to legitimate states in their ruthless wars against non state actors.”

The news of air attacks in Verugal in the East was titled, “Israeli jets hit Tigers” in another Colombo Daily on July 28th.

All this is in the month of July. It is a time of the year when the enduring fate of the island and her scattered mass is revisited by remembrance of 1983.

The pogrom 23 years ago, the two decades that followed and the subtle peace prevailed prior to the intensifying of the current low intensity warfare reinforces, “There never was a good war or a bad peace.”

Most of the SL press sounded an alert status and continue to maintain that the 1983 riots was a spontaneous response to killing of soldiers in Thirunelvelly by the LTTE. And this July is engulfed with an upsurge in the killing of innocent civilians in the North-East. This rarely gets mentioned in the Colombo press and the President seemed to have swept that under the rugs when he was in the company of women press corps from India.

This clearly is the strategy of GOSL security establishment. Rajapakse’s fallacy of showing concern for the innocents in Lebanon but saying he’s restrained in North-East of the island due to international outcry is evident by his silence on the ongoing suffering of innocent civilians of North - East. He and his advisors clearly understand that a low intensity warfare will not bring in a forceful intervention by India and Europe.

Israel says no to an immediate ceasefire. As time goes by their unfolding military might will decline the Hezbollah they believe. Like Israel, the Lankan hawks too think that the wind of time is in their sail. That is as the low intensity campaign takes root, LTTE will suffer and/or make mistakes that will vilify them further in the eyes of the international community.

But then again, the most of those affected by this campaign are innocents.

Allowing treatment for Daya Master in Colombo is a gesture this month but yet again has been carried out as a photo op by GOSL. One set of President’s coalition protested in front of the hospital where Daya Master was being treated and wanted him arrested. The Point Pedro native and Teacher taught English to cadres and later became LTTE Spokesperson. He was never a cadre himself. Many such events are shown as peace loving dove Rajapakse being tangled among extremists.

The President is not in a position to assure and provide safety to his people, whether they are migrant workers in Lebanon or internally displaced persons in Trincomalee. Even knowing that conditions across the straits may be harsh is not holding back those seeking a voyage out of violence encircling them. People are traveling to Thalai Mannar and sailing to Rameswaram out of fear of living in places like Trincomalee, Vavuniya and Mannar.

Publicity stunts and words of comfort to visiting dignitaries without solid action is a hallmark of this President. There is no expression of solidarity to ordinary citizens who live in fear and tend to leave the country in fear. The visiting women corps, [which included Ms. Narayani Ganesh, daughter of late Tamil Actor, ‘King of Romance’ Gemini Ganesh, as a Senior Editor of Times of India] also failed to press the President as to what safeguards are in place for ordinary citizens in the North – East of the country.

Richard Armitage, Vietnam veteran and former deputy of Secretary of State, who compared the destruction of the Chavakachcheri market in 2002 by the retreating Sri Lankan armed forces to war ravaged Vietnam, spoke on the crisis in Lebanon on the National Public Radio of Washington DC on July 26th. He says US officials and diplomats must use “all the levers” in finding a solution to the crisis, including talking to the “enemies”.

For GOSL, what was agreed in Geneva in spring needs to be acted upon and tables to sit and talk should be set.

President Rajapakse has a mountain to climb to be seen amidst his actions backing up his words. The time consuming all party conferences is being held since the aftermath of the 1983 riots to now under various presidents without arriving at any consensus.

Every day the undeclared war goes on is a day of colossal costs for those getting affected. It may be an ordinary civilian or a member of GOSL armed forces. It’s a loss to a family. The plight of the people - mounting civilian death toll, internally displaced persons and barely recovering from destruction in nature’s path from the tsunami speak for themselves.

Stopping the present killing of innocents and reining in on paramilitaries plus hawks of his own coalition should become paramount for this President. Above all is showing compassion to ordinary people of North and East. These are urgent priorities. In whatever solution, all communities in the island have to live side by side. A permanent peace and “truth and reconciliation” must arrive soon. An illusive peace could shatter the lives of another generation after a decade. A clear aspect yet, to learn from Lebanon – Israel.

[Photo: Courtesy of TamilNet]

A Journey to Jaffna

By Yenmozhi

Jaffna, situated in the Northern part of Sri Lanka has been completely destroyed during the two decades of civil war between the government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Although the community is supposedly in peace, the possibilities of violent conflict remains an ongoing possibility. A journey to this island reveals that the population is highly vulnerable to HIV, yet civic infrastructure is almost non existent.

According to a survey conducted by Jaffna Kachcheri in 2004 the total population of the Jaffna District is 584,667 of which 277,973 are men and 306,694 women. The number of women is more because of the presence of a large number of war widows.

According to recent reports, Jaffna district has the second highest number of people living with HIV after Colombo district. The first case of HIV was detected in 1993. Till date the accumulated number of people living with HIV and AIDS is 38, while those living with HIV is 16. Out of these two are children. There are more number of females than males living with HIV/AIDS. The community is conservative. Cultural restrictions inhibit a frank discussion on sex, sexuality and HIV/AIDS. Interviews revealed that community members are in a stage of denial on the existence of HIV in their community. One community member informed, “HIV/AIDS is not a problem in our society, it is a Western disease .We do not misbehave like others”. Yet AIDS is the leading cause of death in Jaffna, followed by cancer and rabies.

There are a large number of Sri Lankan refugees in the peninsula who have returned from refugee camps in India. The cramped living conditions and poverty make many in the refugee camp vulnerable to HIV. There are number of sex workers in Jaffna. Majority of these women are from below the poverty line. One sex worker informs, “sex work fetches us more than a vegetable seller in a market per day. Therefore, many women are entering this trade.” They get arrested and are produced before the courts, but go back to the same business. Though no baseline study has been conducted on the prevalence of sex work in the area anecdotal records reveal that the number of sex workers are rising in certain areas. A community member informs, “It is estimated that there are 36, 000 war widows in Jaffna district. Where do they go to satisfy their sexual needs? This is one of the other reasons for the sex workers on the increase in the district” There are forty thousand military personnel from the Government of Sri Lanka currently stationed in Jaffna peninsula. Jaffna is the first posting for a young officer who joins the army and he cannot take leave for a period of one year while on duty in Jaffna.

With the advances in technology, the sex workers are easily accessible on the mobile. Almost all have mobile telephones and communicate with their clients on mobiles. A community member informs, “Young people in the age group of 20 years to 24 years in the coastal belt from Kozhumbuthurai to Navanthurai move around a lot” Stigma and discrimination against those living with HIV is very high inhibiting PLWHA’s access to services.

The governmental response is still weak as infrastructure is being rebuilt. The Jaffna Teaching Hospital is the only teaching hospital in Jaffna. There are four base hospitals, namely Manthikai, Chavakachcheri, Sankanai and Kayts. Apart from these there are rural hospitals, central dispensaries and private hospitals. Though the concentration of the private hospitals is high, and the government hospitals lack many facilities, patients prefer to access government hospitals, because of free service. Patients report that the needs of those with clout are met easily while others have to wait for a long time. The patients from the lower income groups and the sex workers are treated with disdain. All these factors force those who can afford to access the private hospitals or go to Colombo.

There is only one STD clinic, responsible for HIV prevention and control activities at the Jaffna Teaching hospital.

Currently there is no doctor in the clinic. A doctor who was posted to the clinic left as there was no infrastructure and support available. There is also no Medical Laboratory Technician (MLT) at the STD clinic. The MLT from the blood bank conducts the necessary tests for HIV. But it takes two months to get the results, because the confirmatory test can only be done at the National Hospital in Colombo. Although he is not qualified, the PHI is forced to play the doctor’s role.

[STD clinic in jaffna Teaching hospital]

The STD clinic is situated far from the main entrance. People who have visited the clinic report that they are ashamed to come to the STD clinic even to test their blood. If a patient is visiting the clinic for the first time they are stopped at the gate and a number of questions are asked. Many report of not proceeding with the treatment unless the issue is urgent. Those who do decide to proceed to the STD clinic have no privacy. They are followed by people. Further, there are long queues. There have been several requests to move the STD clinic near the main entrance, so that the patient has privacy in accessing the clinic. There is a new building under construction right now for the STD clinic. The nurse, and other lower rung staff at the clinic believe that, once the new building is operational, there will be a permanent doctor for the STD clinic, and other facilities will be available for the patients. Those who are living outside Jaffna have to spend a considerable amount of time and resources to access the clinic. Many report that they do not access the clinic because of the long distance and the negative attitudes of the staff at the clinic.

A person can also go to the private hospital in Jaffna to get a test for HIV. Private hospitals /clinics charge anywhere between Rupees 9,000/ (USD 90) to Rupees 12,000 (USD 120) for a HIV test. The clinics report that these charges are to send the blood specimen by flight to Colombo. Interviews with some females revealed that in some clinics the staff asks those who have no money to pay for to have sex instead.

A large number of NGOs implement prevention and control activities in the area. According to the NGO workers the community is aware of HIV/AIDS, but there is no responsible behaviour. As one worker remarked, “Most sex workers are aware of HIV and are willing to use condoms. But many do not use as they can’t afford to loose a client, if he is not willing to wear a condom”

There is a feeling among the people of Jaffna that, even if the war ends and they enjoy permanent peace, the scars of the war will not disappear from the society for a long years to come.

The posters on preventing HIV/AIDS at the Jaffna teaching hospital

(The above report is written on the research carried out in April 2006 in Jaffna)

On July 15th, 2006 Saturday, Tamil pilgrims made their pilgrimage to Midland Martyrs’ Shrine. The Shrine honours the eight Jesuit saints who lived, worked and died here over 350 years ago. The grounds, including the famous Shrine Church and 75 pleasantly landscaped acres invite us into prayer and tranquility.

The Administration at the Shrine reserves the Third Saturday in July every year for Tamils pilgrims to come and pray and spend the day at the shrine. Tamils have been making this pilgrimage for the4 last twenty years and number has been increased to 7000 this year. Hoy mass was celebrated in the open Air alter in Tamil, concelebrating with 9 priests who have from India and Sri Lanka along with the priests in Toronto. Rev. Dr. Jochimpillai who is the spiritual Director of the Tamil Catholic Community of Toronto was the main celebrant. Rev. Fr. Paul Raj preached at the Holy Mass. After thanksgiving ,Mrs Mathura Thabinayagam, the President of the Tamil Catholic Community of Toronto thanked the Sub-Committee Chairperson Anton Philip, Secretary Christine Seevaratnam, Coordinator Jude Aloysius, Treasurer Stanly Velichore, Volunteer coordinator Christian Emmanuvel, One of the Chief Organizers Angelo Swampillai for carrying out festival in an excellent manner. She also thanked the volunteers who worked tirelessly, the Our Lady of Good Health Parish Choir for the excellent and prayerful songs and media who made their contribution in giving the publicity for the festivel. Lunch was followed by the mass. Food was distributed by the pilgrims who had made their vows to the Saints and families also brought their own food and shared their meals At 3.30 p.m. Benediction with Adoration officiated by Rev. Fr. Emil Paul who is visiting from Jaffna Diocese.

Photos from the 2006 Tamils’ pilgrimage to Midland Martyrs’ Shrine:

To Publish your Community Events & Photos in TamilWeek, please email: toronto@tamilweek.com

The Seventh Death Anniversary of Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam falls on July 29. We reproduce here one of his articles on the constitution which was published in the Daily Mirror of September 18, 1978.

By Dr Neelan Tiruchelvam

The Leader of the Opposition contended in the Assembly that ‘the making of a Constitution is not an isolated event but a step in the process by which a people assert their identity, articulate their basic values and aspirations and define the instruments of governments through which the sovereignty of the people can be exercised.’

There are two approaches to this process which need to be and clarified.

The first approach is directed towards the elaboration of an institutional framework which more effectively corresponds to the political style of the regime in power.

Such an approach is regarded as the ‘instrumental’ approach to constitution making, and does not envisage the Constitution to be an eternal instrument embodying the highest values and aspirations of the people. There is a measure of impermanency in such instruments as their life span is often limited to the duration of the political regime in power. They provide the means by which those who had captured power can more effectively organize and exercise power.

The second approach to Constitution making envisages the Constitution to be the fundamental law enshrining for all times the basic values, aspirations and ideals of the different components of the body politic. Such Constitutions are somewhat permanent instruments, and even the process of amendment gathers inspiration and direction from the underlying philosophy of the Constitution itself. The second is the ‘consensual approach’.

The instrumental approach recognises a somewhat authoritarian process of Constitution making which disregards the aspirations of groups in opposition to the regime in power. The consensual approach on the other hand views the Constitution as’a legal and political compact capturing the compromises that have been worked out between different communities and political groups. It defines the framework within which the different groups may compete for power and gain access to the resources of a society.

Is the Constitutional exercise that has been recently completed of the instrumental or consensual type?

The resort to a Select Committee procedure meant that the political parties unrepresented in the Assembly could not enjoy direct participation in the drafting process. The non participation of the Tamil United Liberation Front in the Select Committee further eroded the exercise of its ‘consensual’ elements. The conceptual basis for the TULF’s withdrawal from this process has been summarized by Mr. Amirthalingam:

“The Republican Constitution of 1972 sought to sever the legal and constitutional link with the past. Once there is such a break in legal continuity, the sovereignty of the inhabitants of the Island until then under eclipse (during a period of foreign domination of externally designed constitutional rule) resurfaced.

Hence the sovereignty of the Tamil Nation which was ethnically, geographically, and linguistically, separately distinctly identifiable revived.

The United National Party had a clear unequivocal mandate to assert the sovereignty of the Sinhala nation and enact a new Constitution. The mabdate the majority of the Tamil Nation pointed to a different duty”.

The Select Committee constituted in November 3” 1977 tabled its report on June 22 1978. Despite these major handicaps there was remarkable congruence between the views of the United National Party and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party as they related to some of the substantive concerns of the Select Committee. The area of agreement included fundamental rights, judicial review, languages, citizenship, principles of state policy, the creation of an ombudsman.

Although the SLIP has been consistent in its opposition to the Executive Presidency and some aspects of proportional representation its principal concern appears more procedural than substantive.

It protested against the total repeal of the Republican Constitution of 1972 and favoured the interdiction of a Third Amendment containing substantive alterations to the existing instrument.

This position appears to have been further hardened by the addition of controversial provisions in the general and transitional chapters after the Committee Report had been tabled.

The SLFP dissent accordingly warned ominously:

“The sanctity and continuation of a Constitution depends on public acceptance of its provisions. If at the next elections the people grant us a mandate to do so, we shall introduce a Constitution consistent with the views expressed (in our dissent) and the Republican Constitution of 1972”.

The problem still remains whether the Constitutional exercise which appears instrumental, can nevertheless acquire the formal attributes of a consensual instrument. The system of proportional representation provides the clue to this problem, and we must now briefly examine its main elements and their implications for the process of Constitution making.

The rationale of proportional representation is clearly articulated in the report of the Select Committee which states that the present system is inadequate in that it is not fairly representative of the political opinion within the country.

It points out that in 1970, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party was able to secure 603 per cent of a the total number of seats in parliament although it received only 36.9 per cent of the total

vote. On the other hand, the United National Party with 37.9 per cent of the total vote was only able to secure 11.2 per cent of the total number of seats.

In 1977, the United National Party with 50.9 per cent of the total votes secured 83.3 per cent of the seats while the Sri Lanka Freedom Party with 29.7 per cent of the total votes secured only 4.8 per cent of the seats.

It should be noted that the 13 per cent swing for the United National Party resulted in a 22 per cent gain in representation while the negative swing of 7.2 per cent for the Sri Lanka Freedom Party resulted in 55.5 per cent loss in representation. The report reiterates that this is not merely unfair but leads to political instability.

We must then digress to examine the main elements of proportional representation which are found in Articles 135 to 139 of the Constitution.

Firstly, the identification of the districts as the basic electoral unit. A Delimitation Commission will dive the country into several electoral districts. These electoral districts shall be one or more administrative districts. They shall remain unchanged thereafter.

Secondly, the principle of allocation of seats. The total number of seats will be frozen at 196; each province would be allocated 4 seats to be distributed amongst the districts contained within the Province. The remaining 160 seats would be distributed amongst the several electoral districts according to the number of registered voters. As the population increases the number of registered voters will con increase.

Thirdly, the voting would be for political parties and not for individuals. Recognized political parties present a list of candidates and voting could be based on such lists. There will be no independents unless they could be based on such lists. There will be no independents unless they form a group and present a common list of candidates.

Fourthly, the concept of a cut off vote. This means in effect that if a political party or a group of individuals receive less than I /8ths of the total number of votes cast, these votes would be cancelled and the political party concerned would not be able to return a candidate to the National Assembly.

I have elsewhere examined the impact of each of these elements on the growth of the party system. It would be sufficient for this purpose to summarise some of the major criticisms of proportional representation.

Firstly, one of the consequences of the District being recognized as the electoral unit, would be to eliminate the parliamentary electoral and erode the relationship that has evolved between the Member of Parliament and the Constituency.

The parliamentary electorate has evolved into a distinct political sociological and territorial entity. Within its framework there has evolved a system of social relations w between the Member of Parliament and his constituents. This includes the system ofreciprocity by which constituents asserts the right to make demands upon their representative for jobs for governmental benefits and the corresponding duty to be responsive to these demands.

The Member of Parliament influenced the allocations pf resources and even mediated inter personal conflict. It is difficult to see how this system of reciprocity and the network of social relations within which it was contained could replicate itself within a District. The choice of a district as the basic electorate unit would severe the lines of accountability between the representative and the electorate.

The second criticism relates to that of area of weightage. The issue of representation has been one of immense controversy in the political relationships between various communities. We are all aware that the formula for balanced representation presented by the All Ceylon Tamil Congress was not accepted by the Soulbury Commission.

The Commission held that representation should be on two principles, viz, one member for every 75,000 inhabitants and an additional member for every 1000 square mile radius.

The object of area weightage was to give additional weightage to the minority communities so that the Northern and Easter Provinces were given eight additional seats and the remaining provinces were given 17 seats.

Article 136(4) has reversed this process of weightage by providing that each province will be entitled to 4 seats which in effect means that the ratio of 8:17 has now been escalated to one of 8:28. The additional bonus of 11 seats by increasing the representation of the majority community will undermine the very purpose for which area weightage was introduced.

The third problem relates to electoral lists. One of the implications of a list system is that the power of returning individual representatives effectively shifts from that of the electorate to that of the political party.

The nomination of candidates and the ranking of candidates become issues of immense importance over which the political party would have control. Under the system of election for Local Government the party lists of candidates would not even appear on theballot paper.

No doubt there are other means by which these lists can be disseminated among the electorate. The system of lists have adopted places a greater distance between the individual voter and the individual candidate who would ultimately be returning to Parliament.

It is therefore submitted that system of proportional representation must be preceded by a demonstration process within the political party itself The enormous power that the leadership enjoys in the nomination of candidates, must be modulated to ensure greater accountability to and consultation with the rank and file of the parties.

Most political parties have a organisational structure in which decision making is delegated by the Party Convention to a hierarchy of Committees. But the formal organization often conceals that the real decision making is concentrated in the higher reaches of the leadership. Democratization should find expression both in form and spirit.

Let me revert to the general theme of this article. Does proportional representation provide the answer to whether the new Constitution would evolve into the ‘instrumental’ or ‘consensual’ type? Article 82(B) provides that a Bill for the amendment of repeal of a constitution would require —

(a) a special majority of two thirds of the members of the National Assembly

(b) a majority of the members of the National Assembly plus the approval of the people at a Referendum.

Given the pattern of electoral voting that we have seen over the past three decades, it is unlikely that any of the recognized political parties would be able to capture the legislative majority necessary to enact a Constitution of the instrumental type.Proportional representation would entrench an instrumental Constitution and clothe it with the permanency of the consensual type. The President further implied during the deliberations of the Selection Committee that the new reality could compel the UNP and the SLFP to abandon the policies of partisanship and evolve the political style of consensus.

“Are you not always thinking in terms of the old British System — that the two party system or the three party system will survive? Can we not go ahead of that? Can we not think of a national way?”

On this reasoning proportional representation could foreshadow a transformation in the style of electoral politics and the emergence of a new configuration of power.

On the other hand, there are many who are skeptical of this theory. They content that no formula for representation could per se lead to such transformation.

Consensual politics can only emerge out of a climate of political accommodation. And unless a conscious effort is made to create such a climate, it would require little legal ingenuity to work around the entrenched procedures of constitutional change to reate another ‘legal revolution’.

We would then be thrown back into the cycle of making and unmaking of instrumental Constitutions from which proportional representation can provide no escape.

By S. Sellathurai

The government’s call to the LTTE to submit their proposals for devolution of powers cannot be serious, when their devout aim is known well to be the establishment of an independent state in Northeast Sri Lanka. Even the wide-ranging devolution package suggested by Dr. Neelan Thiruchelvam and Prof. G. L. Peiris a decade ago was rejected by the Tigers. The belief that they would opt for a unified federal structure in lieu of sovereign Tamil Eelam after the peace talks in Oslo in December 2002 turned out to be a ‘misconception’, when the chief LTTE negotiator Anton Balasingham contradicting his earlier statements dismissed the official statement issued by Norway, the peace facilitator as inconsequential, saying it was not an agreement signed by both parties to the conflict. The kind of governing system acceptable to the LTTE without the formal division of the island into two states is the one implied in their set of proposals for Interim Self-Governing Authority (ISGA) submitted in October 2003. But this is widely known to correspond with a con-federal rather than a federal arrangement. Although the LTTE said they were ready for talks on the ISGA proposals, Sri Lanka was not willing to consider these as basis for negotiations.

LTTE’s militaristic makeup and aims

Many groups pressing for a negotiated political settlement have still not grasped the key factors that have made the LTTE a unique military cum guerrilla organization. It is this uniqueness and inflexibility with regard to the goal of establishing an independent Tamil Eelam that are admired by some Tamils. Others, who take a pragmatic and farsighted view of the struggle for liberation from the present majoritarian rule that has made the minority Tamils powerless and subordinate to majority Sinhalese consider these as obstacles to permanent peace and the well-being of Tamils in Sri Lanka. The fact that many Tamils live outside the North-East is obvious and there is no need for a full census to establish this. The future well-being of all communities, Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims depend crucially on their harmonious existence in all parts of the island. In as much as ethnic cleansing is harmful to ethnic harmony and political stability so is the planned colonization schemes intended to change the ethnic composition of regions. The volatile situation in the Trincomalee district is a case in point.

The view that the LTTE is now an obstacle to peace and the future well-being of the people is largely based on its nationalistic goal and the methods being pursued to achieve it. This writer is fully aware that some names are allergic to bigoted Tamils in the Diaspora. Dismissal of views even before a cursory examination cannot be regarded as rational. Citing Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan, alias ‘Col.’ Karuna, former LTTE Batticaloa-Amparai Special Military Commander should not be taken as an endorsement of the various violent activities in the East before or after the split in the LTTE. In a recent interview Karuna Amman, who was also close to the LTTE supreme leader Velupillai Prabhakaran for many years pointed to the unique nature of the liberation movement and its aversion to constitutional solution to the ethnic problem. In response to the question about the LTTE as a liberation movement, Karuna said: “A struggle can achieve its goal when it transforms its military achievements into political victories. When we were in the LTTE though we gained many hard glorious military victories Prabhakaran couldn’t change them into political victories. A good political solution could have been found through the victories we obtained in the military front. But Prabhakaran wasted them”.

He also said: “Now Prabha group is one that functions under one man’s power. Prabhakaran has a wishful thinking that everything can be accomplished by military power. He doesn’t believe in political solutions. He thinks that he can impose his opinions on the Tamil people through his military power. Therefore, political solution is an inactive one in that organization which functions according to Prabhakaran’s nod. I have felt this directly. Prabhakaran wasted many opportunities that arose to achieve a relevant political solution to the problems of the Tamil people. This is because Prabhakaran has more belief in military leadership than the political leadership”. This statement explains the excuse given by Anton Balasingham, the LTTE’s chief negotiator for rejecting the federal compromise reached earlier with the Sri Lankan Government in Oslo. Apparently, the LTTE leader had not been consulted about the federal option, which. in any event was not acceptable to him.

The peace process based on the CFA, which is lifeless now started with basic contradictions. The direct talks were solely between the government and the LTTE. There was no requirement for the decommissioning of weapons. There was also no agreed agenda for the peace talks. Both sides were not in a hurry to discuss the core political issues. These contradicted with the aim of the peace process, if it was to seek a political settlement within undivided Sri Lanka. The numerous ceasefire violations by the LTTE were possible because of the failure to insist at least on voluntary decommissioning of weapons during the peace process. On the contrary, the build up of weaponry and cadre strength occurred. Despite the UNICEF and other international organizations’ strong and sustained opposition to child conscription, the practice had continued. Since the recruited children were mainly from the vulnerable segment of the Tamil society, there was little protest from the elitist Tamils. Ironically, some of them want Eelam because of the injustices done by the Sinhalese. It is a fact that the internecine killings have been phenomenally high during the cease-fire. With these unpleasant developments, the future of Tamils in Sri Lanka continues to remain increasingly uncertain.

The political solution desired by anxious peace seekers including foreign governments cannot be reached by negotiating with the LTTE. The Sinhala nationalists too will oppose any system that dilutes majoritarian rule. The joint wish of the donor countries is an agreed political settlement based on the December 2002 Oslo ‘declaration’. They have recommended this at the June 2003 Tokyo Conference. The structure for a final settlement has also to be acceptable to India. No country would support a solution ignoring India’s concern. Such realistic factors are being ignored by the Sinhalese polity and the LTTE.

The violent methods used determinedly by the Tamil Tiger in their struggle to gain controlling powers ignoring the long-term consequences are also major obstacles for negotiated political settlement based on democracy and pluralism in undivided Sri Lanka. The specific problem relating to the safety and free movement of the LTTE leaders is also another obstacle to this kind of settlement. The LTTE leader has been sentenced to prison for 200 years by the Colombo court for the attack on the Central Bank of Ceylon. He is also wanted by the Interpol for his alleged role in Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination. Indian government has not abandoned the official request for his extradition to India. The killings of several Tamils have also contributed to the concern for the safety of present rebel leaders. Even in parts of Vanni which is under LTTE’s firm control the leader does not move freely. One can see a practical reason for LTTE’s opposition to a political solution sans absolute control over security and judicial matters. The LTTE will also be unwilling to abandon its security forces for the same reason. Thus, the movement is a hostage of its dependence on violence for gaining absolute controlling powers.

Sri Lankan Tamil Diaspora

The aspiration of the Tamil community as a whole is for the creation of a peaceful environment by ending the prolonged state of confrontation and violence through political settlement that guarantees irrevocably their security, freedom and equal rights to live and prosper freely. Discrimination of minority communities and regions occupied largely by them (North-East province) by national governments must be prevented at all times. This is where some degree of regional autonomy/devolution of powers becomes important. People affected directly by the costly war incurring terrible losses and immense suffering over the years are definitely fed up of the continuing killings, dislocation, fear and denial of livelihood. They want peace more than Eelam.

The LTTE and its supporters in the Diaspora consider the plight of the helpless civilians as contribution of the community to the struggle for independence. The reconstruction and development of N-E are not their concern now. Even the prospect of sustaining Eelam as a viable independent state without long-term external financial support is not being considered. Democracy, human rights and ethnic harmony are not the concern of those aspiring passionately for Eelam. To them, Eelam is the panacea for all the present ills, some of which are self-inflicted. Especially those, who consider the LTTE to be their ‘soul’ representative, the realization of the Eelam goal is for some selfish reason. Although they may want Eelam, they know where the opportunities exist to earn more money! Even if Eelam fails to materialize, its advocates in the Diaspora will not lose anything in terms of their future and of their children. But the conditions for the Tamils in Sri Lanka will be difficult, especially if there is no early constitutional reform devolving administrative powers to the regions.

A Tamil analyst opposed to the damaging methods of the LTTE has observed in his recent report: “The Tamil Diaspora is hooked on revenge for what many Tamils suffered in 1983 especially the elite. They are time-warped on that year and do not understand that no nation should stand still but move on. Neither these people are moving forward nor are they allowing their kith and kin to create a future for them in Sri Lanka. Prabhakaran is only too happy to have the support of a 1983 fossil of the Tamils still alive seething with anger. These two are powerful allies in their march towards destruction. No one can expect them to behave otherwise”. This is true to some extent. There is also the desire to be seen by other Tamil nationalists as backers of the valiant struggle for Eelam, which in their view is the right response to Sinhalese hegemony. Another has said bluntly that the Tamil Diaspora is the major obstacle to peace in Sri Lanka.

The damage to Tamil culture and repute as a result of dastardly acts of a few daredevils in the Diaspora is also the result of the violent practices that spread after the liberation struggle widened eliminating political opponents within the Tamil community. Daily News 17 July 2006 reported that the UK Metropolitan Police arrested 29 persons from the Sri Lankan Tamil community in a lightning operation carried out in six London Boroughs early this month. The criminal elements were detained as a result of a day long operation codenamed ‘Enver 2′ on July 6 in Brent, Croydon, Harrow, Newham, Redbridge and Waltham Forest Boroughs. The Daily News also reported, “Metropolitan Police said the operation, which followed the EU-wide ban on the LTTE, was designed to stop and disrupt criminal activity perpetrated by some members of the Sri Lankan Tamil community. Following the completion of operation ‘Enver 2′ a new toll-free hotline has been created - 0800 587 2935. The pubic can call this number and provide information on criminal activity in the Tamil community including fundraising for the LTTE”. Enver 2 followed Operation ‘Enver 1′ launched 18 months ago.

The Toronto Star reported on July 21, 2006 that a Tamil refugee and former Toronto street gang member was deported to Sri Lanka Rivalries between different Tamil gangs in foreign countries that gave shelter and means to Tamil migrants from Sri Lanka had led to several killings in the 1990s before the police started arresting many alleged gang members. Earlier in the same month, three Sri Lankan Tamils residing in London, who were involved in a £250,000 credit card scam were sentenced to prison and ordered to repay tens of thousands of pounds. The fourth escaped the prison sentence. They were all managing fast food outlets in London. Several papers (online bulletins and editions of some Sri Lankan newspapers) reported the sentences. There was a time when expatriate Sri Lankan Tamils were considered decent educated persons. The Tamil intelligentsia gave a respectful status worldwide to the community. But now all these have been lost in the violent pursuit for Eelam.

Even Hindu temples have not been spared in the degeneration from a noble to violent Tamil culture that no longer respects the values cherished and followed by our parents and grandparents.

Temples were built (not rented buildings) in the good old days to serve the spiritual needs of the people. The structural design and the various built-in sculptures both outside and inside gave the temple the special significance as a holy place for worship. The intentions of many Temple trustees in the Tamil Diaspora are not entirely godly. For various reasons temples have come up in the cities where significant number of expatriates live. Regardless the temples used by devotees as worship places must be respected as such by others who may have some personal grudge against the trustees. Desecrating such palaces reflects the despicable level to which the society has gone down after the rise of violent behaviour and desire for dominance. Those who believe there is no salvation without violence should explain how the violent and other unlawful activities by some
expatriate Tamils will help to foster a compassionate liberal society! Perhaps this is not high up in their list of priorities.

Suffering Tamils

The circumstances that led to the recent influx of Tamils to Tamil Nadu from the areas of renewed fighting and the conditions where they now live as refugees in dilapidated camps have been reported by T. S. Subramanian in his articles published in the July 1-14 issue of Frontline. Some have come as refugees for the second time. He had visited few camps and talked with some Sri Lankan refugees, many of them from Mannar, Trincomalee and Vavuniya. He has presented his findings in the two articles titled ‘Fleeing to safety’ and ‘Camps of neglect’.

Between January 12 and June 28 this year 3,673 persons were registered as refugees in the Mandapam camp. Of them, 1,636 persons (45%) had arrived second time after the recent escalation of attacks between the LTTE and the security forces. They had earlier returned to Sri Lanka following the 2002 CFA. The total number of arrivals has now (July end) shot up to 5700. Chandravadhani (44) who lost her husband on March 18 after the firefight between the soldiers and the Tamil Tigers in Vavuniya had got herself and her three grown-up daughters registered as refugees in Mandapam. She told that it was impossible to live in Vavuniya with her three grown-up daughters because of the extremely volatile situation. S. Rasalingam, his wife and two children from Trincomalee had traveled by bus from Trincomalee to Vavuniya and then to Mannar. On June 5 night, they got into a boat after paying the boatmen Rs. 40,000 but were detained by the Sri Lankan Navy in mid sea and sent back to an ‘open relief camp’ in Mannar supervised by UNHCR. When explosions rocked the area, they fled into the jungle and managed to reach the Mannar coast. They paid a boatman Rs. 17,000 this time and reached Rameswaram on June 18 morning after a perilous six-hour journey in a small boat at night. M. Logaraja from Kondavil in the Jaffna district and his family first went to Tamil Nadu in 1995 as refugees. They returned to Kondavil in 2003 with the help of the UNHCR and found their home razed to the ground He had told T.S. Subramanian: “I saved enough money in the last three years and built a new home up to roof-level, but I am back at Mandapam as a refugee.” Since he arrived in Mannar on June 14, the day before the claymore attack on the commuter bus near Anuradhapura in which over 65 passengers died, including several children, he too had a difficult time. In retaliation the Army had gone on the rampage in Mannar. He said, “shells rained at night.” He fled into the nearby jungles where he stayed for three days before he made it to Mandapam on June 18. His family escaped the ordeal as they had gone to India three months earlier. The violence that escalated with the LTTE’s provocative attacks intended to create a hostile environment for launching the ‘final assault’ in the struggle for independent Eelam and the fear of another full-scale war have led to the present influx of refugees from the volatile areas in the North-East.

There are now 103 camps in Tamil Nadu providing accommodation for over 60,000 refugees. More than one lakh refugees live outside the camps. The camps are mainly huts in open spaces, cyclone shelters, warehouses, dilapidated ‘marketing committee offices’, abandoned ‘touring’ cinema halls, school buildings and marriage halls. The refugees suffer from lack of drinking water supply, sanitation, electricity and medical facilities. They are pleading for an increase in the dole. At Kurinchipadi, the refugees live in ramshackle huts and makeshift sheds with roofs of broken asbestos sheets (health hazard). The camp at Uchapatti has no power supply, while at Kurinchipadi each dwelling unit has just one bulb with restricted power supply. A team study of the conditions in Mandapam camp has concluded: “Malnutrition is visible among both the fresh refugee children as well as the old ones. The refugees suffer from the psychological effects of conflict, sudden migration, their refugee status, poverty, dependency on dole and doubts about their future.” Of the 1,955 shelters at the camp, as many as 980 have no electricity. Besides, most of the 830 toilets are blocked and the makeshift toilets have no roofs or seats. Similarly, the bathrooms, with open drains, have no taps. The refugees collect water from the four wells outside. Even the streets are not lit at night and the 20-bed hospital, located within the camp, runs without power, the study has revealed. S. J. V. Chelvanayagam’s son S. C. Chandrahasan who is the treasurer of the Organisation for Eelam Refugees’ Rehabilitation in Tamil Nadu is reported to have said: “We do not grumble about the lack of facilities in the refugee camps. We are grateful to India for providing us protection here. But please do not deny education to our children.” Kattumannarkoil MLA, D. Ravikumar of Dalit Panthers of India, who had recently submitted a report on the status of the refugee camps in Tamil Nadu, had also made 33 recommendations to the State Government for alleviating the plight of the Sri Lankan Tamil refugees. He is confident the present DMK government will strive to improve the lot of the hapless Sri Lankan refugees.

T. S. Subramanian has described in some detail the attitudinal change that occurred after the Indo-Lanka pact and the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi towards Sri Lankan refugees. “If the Government of India welcomed them after the anti-Tamil pogrom in Sri Lanka in July 1983 and even sent two vessels to Colombo to ferry Tamils of Indian origin (plantation Tamils), it used strong-arm methods to send the refugees back after the signing of the Indo-Sri Lanka

Agreement in July 1987.”In July 1990, the Indian Navy twice intercepted and sent back boats

carrying refugees. After the LTTE assassinated K. Padmanabha, leader of the Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF), and others in Chennai in June 1990, the then DMK government cracked down on the refugees. Young men were incarcerated in ‘special camps’ meant for Tamil militants. Subramanian has also described the security concerns of the State police after the tragic events. He has stated: “For the police the security concerns were real, as subsequent events proved. Six Sri Lankan Tamil refugees registered in camps played important roles in the assassination of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi on May 21, 1991”.

“The Final Report filed by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) in the case on May 20, 1992, says that these six accused came to India “illegally without any passports, got themselves registered as refugees only as a make-belief affair, but in fact they came with the purpose of assisting and abetting the conspirators in this case and took houses on rent at Porur and Kodungaiyur in Madras where they accommodated Sivarasan (A4), Dhanu (A5), Subha (A6), Nehru alias Nero (A8), Santhan (A10) and Ruban (A14) before and after the offence was committed.” The police now take fingerprints and photographs of arriving refugees from Sri Lanka and list their belongings as they sit out the whole day in the compound, which has only one toilet - for the staff. They are fed in the open and at the end of the day they are taken to the Mandapam camp. Intelligence agencies and other government bodies check them before issuing identity cards, ration cards, refugee data dossiers, bedding and utensils. The current practice of checking the authenticity of Sri Lankan Tamils seeking refugee status is understandable from the past abuse of India’s generosity by Sri Lankan Tamil rebels.

Southern consensus on ‘maximum’ devolution?

Addressing the inaugural meeting of the All Party Representative Committee (APRC) and the panel of experts, President Mahinda Rajapaksa asked the members to study the Indian devolution model and come up with a power-sharing plan to end decades of ethnic violence. However, in his camp not all are in favour of adopting the Indian model. One prominent lawyer has expressed his reservation saying the prevailing conditions in Sri Lanka are different. He thinks the local police service should not be under the control of a regional government as is the case in India. One can see here the reluctance to abandon majoritarian rule.

The President, in his address, also promised 1.25 billion dollars to help rebuild the island’s embattled regions. Media reports stated that the President has offered “cash to end ethnic violence” and that the offer of 1.25 billion dollars as a part of his peace initiative, is more than twice the country’s defence budget. If this offer is intended to entice the LTTE to a devolution plan, the failure of the UNF government led by former Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe to bring about a political settlement through rapid development financed by foreign aid shows the futility of such ideas.

The party leaders whose interests have centered on political power per se, particularly after the immense executive powers bestowed to the elected President by the present Constitution were either unwilling or unable to tackle the national problems. The politically expedient short-sighted actions that led to the ethnic conflict and which later provided justification for demanding the North-East province to be a separate independent state continued to remain in effect despite some policy changes. There have been major shortcomings in their implementation. The political leaders have and are still providing indirectly the support to the LTTE to proceed with its destructive plan, from which they hope Eelam will emerge. Not only the Tamils and Muslims are suffering from the calamitous effects of the war but also the Sinhalese, particularly the rural families that have lost their sons and fathers have been struck. And some are living under severe economic hardship because of the costly war. Sadly, the innocent Sinhalese civilians are also the victims of targeted attacks. The recent tragic incidents indicate that the war might turn into a major humanitarian disaster. But the leaders seem to be unconcerned and are continuing with their party politics and internal leadership rivalries. The unpredictable UNP leadership has extended half-hearted support to President’s approach to peace. The party is boycotting the All Party Representative Committee (APRC) but has agreed to participate in the All Party Conference (APC).

The political aspirations of both the separatists and majoritarians are diametrically different but their actions and in the case of government inaction on the political front have produced the same effect of pushing towards the division of the country. Ironically, the negative acts of omission and commission of Sri Lankan governments have been useful to the LTTE that they welcome the continuation of official policies and practices that keep the country divided and volatile. The rebels and their loyal supporters are convinced that the Sinhalese will never grant the legitimate rights of minority Tamils. The LTTE has also been conscious of the importance of sustaining the distrust of the Tamil people in the national governments in order to avoid weakening the case for separation. Since the time the LTTE claimed to be the sole representative of the Tamils, determined efforts have been made by them to distance the people from the government. The latter too made no serious efforts to win the hearts and minds of the Tamil people. The fact that the longstanding grievances of Tamils remain unattended, despite the repeated calls by foreign governments for early remedial actions shows the inability of the southern polity to reach a consensus on issues that need to be resolved to safeguard the ‘unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty’ of the island nation, The flawed thinking that majoritarianism will assure these for eternity is the underlying reason for the current impasse.

President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s offer of ‘maximum’ devolution retaining the unity of Sri Lanka has been rightly lauded by many who believe strongly that this is the real path to peace. But the problem here is the unwillingness of the separatists and majoritarians to moderate their opposing aspirations. As mentioned at the very outset the LTTE’s intransigence cannot be changed by persuasion. The leadership has ignored even the appeal of the most powerful country, the U.S.A to renounce violence ‘in words and deeds’ and enter the democratic mainstream. President Rajapaksa has instituted the mechanism via the APC, the APRC and the AC (panel of experts) to seek a consensual devolution package for integration in the reformed constitution. He might have thought that this approach would make it relatively easier for changing the constitution avoiding the difficulties his predecessor, President Chandrika Kumaratunga experienced between 1995 and 2000. With the rivalry between ambitious political leaders still showing no sign of abatement, there is no guarantee the process of reaching consensus will be swift and easy. The LTTE is quite certain that nothing worthwhile will emerge from the consultations and discussions within the southern polity. There is some justification for their view, considering the composition of the committees set up by the President with more majoritarians than liberals.

The Supreme Court on July 21 granted leave to proceed with the Fundamental Rights Petition filed by the JVP against the North-East merger. Tamil parties including the TamilEela Makkal Viduthalai Puligal (TMVP) led by former LTTE Batticaloa-Amparai Commander Karuna oppose the de-merger and this is likely to be another issue that will help the LTTE in its campaign for a separate state. According to the Indo-Lanka Accord there has to be a referendum in the region to decide on the permanence of the merger. But the normal conditions for conducting a referendum do not exist now. Even before the discussions on ‘maximum’ devolution have progressed, other divisive matters threaten to stall the current approach to conflict resolution. A reminder is apt here. Even the meek Provincial Council system introduced via the thirteenth amendment to the 1978 Constitution would not have been possible without India’s direct intervention in 1987. The JVP opposed it violently not realizing the consequences.

Despite the past blunders that have led to the present crisis, political leaders are unwilling to be flexible. Perhaps, the majoritarians too need external guarantees to safeguard the future of the Sinhalese, which they think will become insecure if too much power is devolved to the minority communities. There is mutual distrust between the different ethnic communities. It was communal politics that was used since independence for winning elections. The LTTE is also using communalism and the distrust promoted by the politics of democrats for gaining power without elections! In short, Sri Lankans cannot resolve their internal conflict without external intervention.

by Dr.Rajasingham.Narendran

“A developed India by 2020, or even earlier, is not a dream. It need not even be a mere vision in the minds of many Indians. It is a mission we can all take up – and succeed.” – President Abdul Kalam of India

IF– has become a key word for Sri Lanka. If we can transform ourselves into a mature, united, motivated, disciplined, principled and farsighted entity, at least at this juncture in our history, we may embark on an adventure that can be exciting and potentially rewarding. However, if we continue on the path we have followed over the past 58 years- juvenile, undisciplined, divisive, criminal, opportunistic and short sighted- we can expect at best the status-quo to continue and at worst, national life to degenerate further.

The problems confronting Sri Lanka can be easily identified, although the list can run into volumes and it will be impossible to assign an order of priority. In summary, life in Sri Lanka is a problem and Sri Lanka has become synonymous with problems. Only the Sri Lankan Airlines can proudly lay claim to the word ‘Serendib’ (the old Arab name for Lanka, from which the word serendipity was coined), because its flights are comfortable and quiet, in contrast to everything else in the country! Every problem that can be thought of needs urgent attention and immediate redress. Everything is a problem in Sri Lanka! This situation is an indictment of our political system and an indictment of a people, who have been foolish to tolerate it this long.

Democracy has not paved the way for the needs and aspirations of the people to find expression as national goals, but has become part of a charade that makes fools of the people. The attention of the people is cleverly and cynically diverted to petty, unimportant, irrational and emotive issues and away from what is important to them and the nation, year in and year out, by every element in our political system. There have been no attempts to educate the people on the problems confronting the nation, the truth, the all too visible realities and what needs to be done, while leading them towards meaningful and necessary goals. The scum and dredges of society thrive at all levels in our political system and are imposing their values on the people and the nation. The gradual degradation of the people and the nation is all too visible and a sorry sight to behold.

Those who claim to be leaders have never led us to anything positive and have never understood what leadership means. They have no dreams, no values and very rarely any abilities, and continue to be charlatans throughout. Leadership requires a capacity to understand the problems confronting a people and resolve them, ability to envision a future the people can be enthused and the ability to make dreams come true. Our leaders are demagogues at best and plain criminals at worst. Power and money are what they seek and these are what they work for all their productive lives. They have been nothing else but politicians all their lives and have very rarely proved themselves in any other sphere of human endeavour. Unfortunately, we as a people who have not yet understood the essentials of democracy have enthroned such men as our masters. Who is the leader who deserves to be remembered with respect and fondness in independent Sri Lanka, for having made life better for us as a people or even laid the foundations for a better future for our country? This is one question the people of Sri Lanka- whether Tamil, Sinhalese, Muslim or other- should ask and seek answers. Have we had leaders who could be classed close to Jawaharlal Nehru, Lal Bahadur Sastri, Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi, Narasinha Rao and Manmohan Singh in India, Mahathir Mohamed in Malaysia and Lee KuanYew in Singapore? Would our political system permit such men to assume power and leave their mark on the country? Could decent and able men and women aspire to power and positions of leadership in Sri Lanka?

Our politicians – as an entity- and those associated with them, have enriched and empowered themselves at the expense of the people. The rare few that have not enriched themselves, have thrived on self-aggrandizement, permitted by an unaccountable and largely criminal political system. The even rarer few who were capable and honest, not being able to thrive in the putrefied environment, were marginalized and eventually fell by the way side. Everything else that is a problem in Sri Lanka has flowed from this fatal flaw in our political system. Our political system, overburdened with bribery, corruption, nepotism, criminality and incompetence, needs urgent reform and a major overhaul immediately, if we are to make a dent on the problems confronting us.

While bribery and corruption are not unique to Sri Lanka, the overwhelming influence the state directly has on every aspect of life in the country, the power vested in a highly centralized government and a lack of social activism among the ordinary citizens, have made it more vulnerable. Mediocrity, corruption and venality should be weeded out of our political system. Bribery and corruption- of whatever form- irrespective of scale should be made criminal offences worse than murder and liable for the worst punishment our criminal justice system can impose. Ill-gotten and unaccountable wealth should be compulsorily confiscated. Men seeking public office should be made truly accountable to the people. Cabinet ministers should be chosen from the general public based on their specialties, abilities, experience and probity. While they should be accountable to parliament, they should be part of the executive branch, independent of parliamentary control. Parliamentarians- the legislative branch of government- should not be permitted to hold executive office. The public service and other government-controlled services should be freed from the grip of politicians. Men and women elected to public office should be liable for more severe punishment than others for bribery, corruption and other crime committed.

The present exercise in constitution making that has been embarked upon should focus seriously on this issue. However, will our politicians who are thriving on a corrupted and inefficient political system serving them well and beyond expectations, permit it to be reformed. This is the dilemma facing our nation. The ancient adage ‘Physician! Heal thy self’ applies quite well to our politicians. We have to demand our politicians heal themselves first, before we can expect anything better for our country. Can President Mahinda Rajapakse do this for us through the current constitution making exercise and enlightened, visionary leadership?

Every thing touched by our politicians, since independence, has been ruined. I will be glad, if any one will come forward to prove me wrong. National unity was the first casualty and we are paying a heavy price for this today. We were a truly multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi-religious nation at independence, with a vibrant democracy. There was civilized debate, discussion, agreement and disagreement, until all civilized norms were smothered by intolerance, violence and vitriol. A people who were largely united and had a national outlook reaching beyond their parochial identities, were forced to retreat into their shells and assert their parochialism. We are Sri Lankans because we have to carry Sri Lankan birth certificates, identity cards and passports, and will readily give up this identity, if given the opportunity to migrate. Sri Lanka is today a conglomeration of multiple nations, at war-both overt and covert- with each other on multiple fronts. The divisions within the country are multiplying by the day. The blood letting of July’1983 has only helped institutionalize violence on both the Sinhala and Tamil fronts and make civil war a profitable business. Neither side has the inclination to seek reconciliation and solutions. Our politicians have no solutions to these problems yet and most have found it an ideal situation to perpetuate their power and enhance their wealth. They are happily angling in troubled waters! We are refusing to learn from the mistakes of our past; are exasperating our well-wishers, world wide; and condemning the people to a life of misfortune, violence and death.

Our public services are in shambles. Politicization and political interference have sapped the vitality of our public services- a once admired institution. The pubic services are bloated with unneeded staff and overflowing with corrupt, mediocre, unmotivated, undisciplined, poorly led and poorly paid men and women. Walking into a government office is a nightmare. The pervasive inefficiency, cussedness, lethargy and corruption are a national shame. How can a country such as ours be carried forward on the backs of such a bureaucracy? While India has a corrupt bureaucracy at the lower levels, at the higher levels it is of high caliber, dedicated and disciplined. The bureaucracy in India has also not been politicized to the extent it has been in Sri Lanka. This has helped India forge ahead.

The services sector, managed by the government is a disgrace. The national railways are a case in point. The present railway system is a shadow of what it used to be. There is no national transport policy and there are no attempts to deal with the soaring fuel costs. The public transport system has to be made efficient, comfortable and clean, to meet modern needs. The trains are the cheapest form of mass public and goods transport the world over. India has the largest rail network in the world and it is run fairy efficiently. We in contrast have neglected our railway system to the point it is a forbidding experience to travel in a train. Should not the bicycle become an important means of transport for short distance travel and it be made safe to ride bicycles on our roads? Should we move to more fuel efficient - hybrid and electrical- vehicles to meet our inner city transport needs? Should we continue to be the dumping ground for used vehicles, discarded by others? What is this policy costing us in terms of imported spare parts and fuel inefficiency? The congestion on our roads is contributing to fuel wastage and increased pollution. Are we doing anything to deal with this scourge and a looming fuel crisis?

In the police service, corruption has become endemic, institutionalized and reaches the highest ranks. Policemen are in the service of criminals and vice-versa. The nexus between politicians, policemen and criminals is an established fact in Sri Lanka and is a curse that needs to be exorcized fast. The police service as a whole is more criminal than any criminal gang that can be named! It is difficult to find men of integrity in the police service, any more. The policemen are poorly trained, poorly motivated, poorly paid and badly led. The armed services, which are involved in a vicious civil war, tearing the country asunder, have also been tainted by indiscipline and corruption at all levels. The revelation that personnel of the armed forces are in the pay of the Tamil militants is a serious indictment of a system that has made this possible. Can the Sri Lankan armed forces ensure the unity of Sri Lanka, under these circumstances, even if millions are spent on arms, ammunitions, tanks and planes? They are rotten at the core now and will become rotten all over, if remedial action is not immediately taken!

The educational sector- primary, secondary and tertiary is a shadow of what it was in the early years of independence. It is out of date and irrelevant to the country’s needs. It is also not oriented to meet the evolving needs of the 21st century. The universities have ceased to be centres of excellence and become mills churning out graduates ill equipped to meet the challenges ahead. We are making do with the second or the third best in all critical areas of our national life, including the universities, due to migration of the best and the brightest to foreign climes. Have we institutions of higher learning of the stature of the Indian Institutes of Technology? Graduates from these institutes are in demand the world over. Planning for the future is overdue in our educational system and investments should be made on quality rather than on quantity. Poorly educated graduates are a curse and burden on society. They think they are worth more than what society values them and become frustrated individuals. We are producing thousands of these every year. They are becoming our teachers, professors, administrators, professionals and extremists. Can there be any hope for Sri Lanka, with such a baggage?

Private tuition at the primary and secondary school levels has become an industry and an unnecessary burden on over-burdened parents, as schools are failing in their mission. The children have no time to play, read and learn arts and crafts after school, which will mould them into wholesome citizens. Teachers are poorly trained, unmotivated and poorly paid. Any one with any capability and ambition in life will not aspire to be a teacher in Sri Lanka! The gains of free education have been negated by the qualitative decline visible in all aspects of education in Sri Lanka. ‘International Schools’ teaching British and American curricula have become the last refuge of parents who can afford the cost. While it is the democratic right of every citizen to seek and provide the best for his or her children, the very principles of equal opportunity on which the concept of free education was founded have been undermined. The standards of English language in the country have declined precipitously, compared to India, where there has been a meteoric improvement. India has prepared itself for world-class standards in education in her post-independence years, where as we have let ours decline below acceptable levels, through sheer neglect, cussedness and lack of vision. India is implementing a strategy to become a super-power, whereas we are vigorously pursuing a path to become another Somalia! Let us at least prepare ourselves to hang on to India’s coat tails as it forges forward!

Reading is a luxury in Sri Lanka. Only trash and pornography are available cheap. Quality reading has ceased to be a habit, due to high cost of books. Home libraries were a feature of most middle class home in the past. It has ceased to be so now. We are becoming a nation with fossilized minds, in the absence of non- institutional learning. Our minds are closed to new ideas and the developments in the world around us. The entertainment available through multiple television (The’ Idiot box’) channels has become our opium and contributes further to shrinking our thinking abilities. It is indeed painful to see prolonged discussions on trashy TV- mini serials, in the living rooms of Sri Lanka. Books are available in plenty and at very reasonable prices in India. Publishing and reading have developed hand in hand and contributed to what India is becoming today. Is there any way we can make books of value, available at affordable prices in Sri Lanka?

The soaring cost of living is a specter haunting a majority of Sri Lankans. How can a nation with a per capita income of around U.S $900 (currently equivalent to Rs.94,500 per annum and Rs.258 per day), contend with the prevalent and ever rising cost of living? The considerable disparity in income between the few haves and the vast majority of have-nots would imply the real income of the low-income segments of society would be much lower. However, it is also true that the per capita income figures do not reflect the substantial black economy, beyond the reach of any official statistic, functional in Sri Lanka. This is of course fueled by bribery, corruption, and other nefarious activities. This black economy is sustaining the extravagant life styles of the few at the expense of the many. The fact that 90,000 Sri Lankans, mostly maids, are employed in Lebanon for wages equal to approximately U.S $ 100 (Rs.10, 500) plus free meals per month is both shocking and edifying. This salary is only marginally above the current per capita income of Sri Lanka. What prompts such a large number of young women to leave the shelter of their homes and our shores, for such low salaries, should be a matter of national shame. The misery that is the lot of a majority of these maids should be a matter of serious concern for our country. However, we take pride the money these unfortunate Sri Lankans remit is our major source of foreign exchange!

What are we doing to bring down the cost of living, while expanding our per capita income? Have we analyzed the factors that contribute to the ever-increasing cost of living? The cost of food has become unbearably high for a country that has a predominantly agricultural economy and is surrounded by seas teaming with fish. Have we planned to increase the productivity of our farms, farmers and fishermen, while decreasing their cost of production? Have we improved the transport, handling and storage of perishables, to minimize wastage? Have we worked on agricultural by-products and value added products that can enhance the income of the farmers? Have we developed a system to minimize the role of the middlemen in the food trade? Why haven’t we developed an effective system of producer’s co-operatives to deal with farmers, their problems, their produce and the marketing of agricultural commodities? Have we concentrated on making biogas and solar energy technology available nation-wide, especially in the rural sector? Are we waiting for foreign experts to instruct us on such matters? The agriculture department is a shadow of what it was in its hay day and the many research institutes dedicated to agricultural commodities- tea, rubber, coconut etc., - are starved of funds and competent staff.

The high cost of feeding a person and his or her dependents coupled with our ‘Boru Shoke (false appearances)’ mentality, is forcing many to cut down on quality food and instead spend money on clothes and other accouterments. This is making us a nation of mal- and under-nourished. We are becoming smaller in stature as a result. The adverse effects of mal-nutrition on our brains will cripple us for centuries. The long-term consequences of this trend do not bode well for our country. Our expectations as a people are higher than what the country is geared to provide. Expectations and life styles have expanded faster than the economy, seeding the pervasive bribery, corruption and violence. While our country is capable of providing a much better quality of life for all her people, our governments have failed to manage the country to optimize her potential. We have been poorly governed in the past and this is likely to continue, unless President Rajapakse has the will to reverse this trend. Is he capable of rising to this challenge?

One can go on and on about other aspects of our lives that are a problem. What I have discussed above would suffice to illustrate the point I want to make. I hope all citizens of Sri Lanka, will confront the stalk realities confronting us and demand changes in our political system and the manner in which our affairs are governed. We are the masters and have to learn to assert ourselves in relation to those who are supposed to be our servants! We cannot ride into the 21st century in a creaking bullock cart! Reflecting Rabindranath Tagore in his Gitanjali, I can only pray that my country awakes!