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By Jehan Perera

The current military confrontation between government and LTTE forces in Trincomalee is gradually taking the country to a new and deeper phase of conflict. For the first time since December 2001, ground troops of the government and LTTE are engaged in sustained fighting with each other. Although over three hundred government soldiers have died in the course of this year these had been almost all in hit and run type of attacks. Government troops are now engaged in a major offensive to clear an LTTE blockade of irrigation water. The LTTE has been resisting this government offensive using its own forces on the ground.

If an important feature of war is open and sustained fighting by ground troops for territory, the present fighting would constitute war. The LTTE has written to the international monitoring mission complaining that the government has abandoned the Ceasefire Agreement and declared Eelam War 4. However, because the battle is being fought over an anicut in the Mavil Aru irrigation network, and with relatively limited deployment of troops, the war would still be categorized as a low intensity one. On the other hand, the inevitable nature of fighting is that it is bound to escalate unless decisive remedial action is soon taken.

In addition to the ground fighting, the government has used the occasion to use its air power to bombard LTTE-held areas elsewhere, including an LTTE airstrip in the neighbouring district of Mullaitivu. One of the bombing operations has hit a major LTTE base inflicting a large number of casualties, believed to be in the region of about 50, and also injuring a top level commander. The accuracy of the bombing suggests the possibility of new weaponry in the government arsenal and a greater willingness to countenance a return to full scale war.

Due to the unexpected nature of the crisis, which has been precipitated by the LTTE’s blocking of irrigation water, there is much speculation as to what caused the LTTE to enter into this adventure. LTTE spokespersons have said that the people in their areas have pressurized them into this action.

But military analysts have seen it as part of an LTTE strategy to evict Sinhalese civilians from sections of the east, so as to permit the LTTE to have easy movement in case of major military operations. They see it as an LTTE preparation for a coming war.

While the immediate cause of the fighting is a single water lock, the ultimate goal could be even bigger. There have been concerns expressed that the LTTE aims to stake a claim to the greater body of water resources in the east. The present blockade has resulted in about 1500 families and 30,000 acres of land being affected. The LTTE has a practice of starting small and making bigger demands. The fight for control of natural resources between the government and LTTE could be an issue that could escalate to include other natural resources.

Government confidence In taking the drastic military action it has against the LTTE, the government appears to have drawn confidence from two sources. One is the indefensibility of the LTTE’s action in closing off the water supply to government-controlled areas for whatever reason it may seek to give. Government spokespersons have pointed out that this action violates the Geneva Conventions which prohibit military action that is solely targeted against civilian life supporting infrastructure. There can be no justification for the LTTE to engage in this action.

The second source of governmental confidence may be coming from the observation of the Israeli retaliation in Lebanon against the Hezbollah militancy. Israel has been engaging in aerial bombardment on a massive scale that has caused massive civilian displacement, numbering around half a million. Heart rending photographs of civilian victims are girdling the globe on internet. But the powerful countries of the international community have by and large acquiesced in these Israeli actions.

The government has claimed a humanitarian justification for its military offensive against LTTE positions. If the government’s offensive would actually re-open the water supply then the government position could arguably be vindicated. The livelihoods of 1500 families and the ripening rice harvest on 30,000 acres would be saved. But the reality is proving to be different. The area around the contested water lock has been heavily mined by the LTTE making approach to it difficult. The LTTE has also been calling in reinforcements. Although the Sri Lankan military has given promises of re-opening the water channels for the past several days, this has yet to happen.

Earlier, the LTTE had offered to negotiate on the re-opening of the water lock that they have blocked. They have sought to justify their actions as being in accord with what the peace loving Tamil people living in the areas of their control want. Their position has been that the government should build a water scheme in the neighbouring LTTE-controlled area, which the previous government had promised. They have also argued that the government should not block the flow of cement, steel and other building materials into the areas that they control.

From a humanitarian perspective it would have been preferable if the government had negotiated with the LTTE regarding the re-opening of the water lock. The problem would not have arisen if the LTTE had not blocked the water in the first place.

There might have been a mutually beneficial outcome that served the best interests of the civilians living in both the government-controlled and LTTE-controlled areas if both sides had considered the humanitarian needs of the people as their first priority. But now the neither is the water flowing nor is the supply of building materials going to where they are needed. Instead there is a brutal conflict that is harming both the civilian population as well as the fighting personnel on both sides.
Humanitarian perspective It is well known that the coastal areas of the north east were the worst affected by the tsunami of December 2004. There have been delays in the reconstruction of the infrastructure of the areas under LTTE-control. The government’s recent embargo on the flow of building materials on the grounds that the LTTE could use them has delayed the reconstruction work even more. Regardless of LTTE demands, the government needs to take the people’s concerns into account in responding to this criticism if it wishes the Tamil people of the LTTE-controlled areas to believe in their citizenship of Sri Lanka.

But it seems that the government has another perspective, in addition to the humanitarian one. It sees a sovereign state being held to ransom by a militant organization. It sees a militant organization trying to masquerade as a state and blaming the government for being unable to deliver.

In their own conduct, the US and its close ally, Israel, do not like to negotiate with militant organizations. The Sri Lankan government appears to be following suit. It is using the LTTE’s unacceptable conduct to launch military operations that will weaken the LTTE’s military capacity.

The danger is that the LTTE will not take its military reversals lightly, but will seek to level the score, if not surpass it. Unlike Hezbollah and Lebanon which are outside of Fortress Israel, and which can be kept out, the LTTE is within open and plural Sri Lanka. Certainly the government will be alive to this possibility.

But it has decided to take the risk and seek to contain the LTTE as best as it can. The future is uncertain. What is certain is that the conflict has entered a new and deeper phase.

A similar situation arose in the past in neighbouring India over the waters of the river Rohini.

The Buddha counseled the kings who were leading two armies to battle over the sharing of waters, comparing the value of water with that of life, and they negotiated a settlement.

If the government and LTTE had been prepared to negotiate in a similar manner with spiritually evolved facilitation they may have been able to resolve the problem in a much better way. A solution may have been possible where the water for irrigation flowed once again, and the rebuilding of the infrastructure of the tsunami affected people also recommenced.

Ironically, while the military forces of the government and LTTE were battling it out in Trincomalee, the Vel festival took place in Colombo. Thousands of Tamil Hindu devotees walked and danced on the streets in procession pulling along colourful Vel carts.

Police ensured that even the main roads were clear of traffic for their religious devotions to take place. As Sinhalese, Buddhists, Christians and Muslims watched from their homes and from the sides of the streets, and made their own silent communion with the divine, there was safety, coexistence and mutual acceptance. This is how the people would live, if only their leaders heed the blessed counsel of the Buddha. [Daily Mirror]

By Prof S.T. Hettige

People in this country today were given the big news by our political leaders that there is a major energy crisis facing the country. I am sure the informed people in the country must be wondering whether to laugh or cry. This is certainly not news to the people because we know for a long time that this was going to come.

There were all the signs of a looming crisis. Despite these signs, we did very little to prepare ourselves to face the situation.

Many scientists conversant with the subject talked about the country’s serious energy problem at least two decades ago. They pointed out the need to formulate national long-term policies to address energy related problems. Yet our political establishment failed to respond to their demands.

What we would have done over the past several decades, was to appropriate them into a major national trust to face the challenges posed by the growing energy crisis

Energy sectors such as industrial production, household consumption, transport, urban development, housing etc., even a sector like education has a bearing on the energy situation in the country.

Sound sectoral policies could contribute in resolving the energy crisis to a varying degree. For instance, if you have a highly centralized urban development strategy it can aggregate the energy situation because it would exert greater pressure on the energy issue.

Similarly if we promote energy intensive, building projects like high-rise buildings it can also have a similar impact. Needless to say an unsound transport policy can lead to serious energy problems in a country.

What is more significant is the cumulative impact of sectoral policies. In other words, if you have inappropriate policies in diverse sectors they can have an enormous negative impact on the energy situation.

What we witness today in Sri Lanka is the cumulative affect of a range of unsound policies and practices spanning over a long period of time. The immediate cause of the unprecedented situation that we find today in Sri Lanka is the rapidly rising price of oil in the world market due to economic and political circumstances, namely the tension in the Middle East and the rapidly rising demand for oil. With the adoption of free market polices in almost all parts of the world following the collapse of the Soviet system in the late 1980s , the demand for oil began to rise due to increasing production and the consumption of commodities and services on a global scale.

Everybody knew that this trend was to continue with more and more pressure on world energy resources coupled with growing political tension in oil producing regions. This was to result in price escalation.

The rapidly rising price of oil we witness today therefore is not something unforeseen or unexpected. We do not know whether to laugh or cry when out political leaders tell the people that there is an energy crisis and people should do everythin to conserve energy. Will the people respond?

Given the appallingly low performance of our politicians we cannot expect an overwhelming response from them. On the other hand this is not a political issue, it is a national issue, So it is necessary that we depoliticise the problems and build a national consensus in order to forge a truly national response.

Two urgent steps are needed in this regard. Firstly we need to articulate national response cutting across political divisions. Secondly we need to admit that we are in the present sorry state at least partly due to our failure to formulate a sound long term policy in the relevant sector.

The question is whether we could take these two urgent steps even though the situation compels us to do so. It we go by past experience we cannot be too hopeful. Yet the county has no choice. So we could only hope that common sense will prevail.

The current energy crisis points to the fact that we cannot shy away from reality. The reality can be complex yet it can be subjected to scientific analysis. It is on the basis of such scientific basis that we should take decisions to address problems connected with reality and that our political leaders will act accordingly.

In this regard it is necessary to evaluate our policies in terms of their energy implications and make adjustments accordingly. It is also necessary to appreciate the genuine difficulties that we have due to a particular structure of our economy and the lack of adequate reserves in the country, and also lack of intensive industrialization. We continue to produce labour intensive products and services to exchange for expensive technology- based products from other countries. The result is an unequal exchange that exerts considerable pressure on the country’s balance of payment.

This situation makes it very difficult for the country to cope with rising oil prices. This is all the more reason, that we should adopt energy saving policies in different sectors. In the short run there is no other option. It might be necessary to listen to scientists in this situation, not priests.

So it is in the interest of long-term development and public welfare that it is imperative to explore possibilities for a rational and equitable resolution of the current energy crisis in the country.

If the scientists do not come up with a non-political plan of action to deal with the crisis we might have to invoke divine power as some of our political leadera are so accustomed to perform as a last resort.

The energy crisis is part of a complex reality, which has a local as well as a global dimension. If we look at the energy crisis in this light we can see how it is connected to global and local circumstances. As already mentioned the lack of sound long term policies has been a major aspect of local reality in the case of Sri Lanka.

Unless we explicitly recognize this fact and take remedial action, our situation can only get worse. If that happens not only will the process of economic development be hampered but many other problems can also arise leading to an adverse impact on the living conditions of the people.

Energy conservation measures such as power cuts and other restrictions can make life more difficult for people who do not necessarily have a comfortable existence even today. [Courtesy: Daily Mirror] [Pictures: Island & Daily Mirror]

By Gamini Weerakoon

The Indian Foreign Secretary Shyam Saran has arrived and left and Indo-Lanka relations appear to have returned to the quiescent state it has been for long years since the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi. Political observers note that while Sri Lankan political leaders keep going to New Delhi to meet Indian leaders even though there appears to be no compelling reasons, Indian leaders have been shy of visiting Colombo for whatever reasons. The last visit of an Indian leader was by Narasimha Rao, but even in this instance he had stayed only a few hours.

According to the Indian news magazine Frontline Shyam Saran’s visit was due to pressure being built both within India and from outside for India to play a more pro-active role, particularly after the collapse of the peace process. The more compelling reason would have been the influx of refugees from Sri Lanka to Tamil Nadu which would have resulted in the DMK Chief M.Karunanidhi applying pressure on the United People’s Alliance government to take up the issue.

Sri Lankan issue

The LTTE tried hard during the Tamil Nadu Assembly elections to focus on the Sri Lankan issue but the reluctance of the Sri Lankan government to enter into a full scale military conflict resulted in the LTTE strategy not being successful. However, when the government bombed LTTE camps in Sampur in the East it was enough of an excuse for the LTTE to claim that civilians had been attacked and there was a vast influx of ‘ refugees’ to Mannar,the intention being to cross over to South India.

The Indian media has not been commenting or reporting on the relations between the DMK government and the Central government in New Delhi on the Sri Lankan issue. However, the DMK appears to be exerting great pressure on Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s government on other issues. Last week it was reported that he had lodged strong protests to Manmohan Singh over the allocation of ministerial portfolios to his party. The DMK already has seven ministers in the Indian cabinet.

The issue that Sri Lankans have not been probing is whether Karunanidhi who had been a strong supporter of the LTTE is influencing the Indian government on the Sri Lankan issue and if so, to what extent.

Shyam Saran during his visit here had said that India has a responsible role to play and would not shy away from its obligations. But this role would only be complementary. This was sheer ‘diplomatese’ but weeks after his visit we do not see any positive role played by India on the Sri Lankan issue.

Blessings of New Delhi

Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe’s recent visit to India was a significant event. Whether his visit was official or not is not certain but the fact that he met important Indian leaders such as Congress Leader Sonia Gandhi, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and notable opposition leaders of the BJP indicate that it was with the blessings of New Delhi.

One line of thinking is that it is in accordance with the Sri Lanka policy of New Delhi to build up a Southern consensus. India wanted both parties – UNP and UPFA – to get together on the North-East conflict and an invitation might have been to persuade Wickremesinghe to be more cooperative with President Rajapakse’s government. The visit took place soon after the UNP announced that it was keeping out of the All Party Conference summoned by President Rajapakse.

It has been also reported that Sonia Gandhi had told Wickremesinghe that the way out would be to abide by the Indo-Lanka Agreement. If this has been correctly reported India would have to do much more than Sri Lanka to rejuvenate the 19 year old agreement which has been moribund for long years.

Palaly Airport

From the Sri Lankan point of view the question to be posed is whether the present government of India can help Sri Lanka by acting against the LTTE. Earlier, during the Premiership of Ranil Wickremesinghe a defence agreement between the two countries was being mooted but now we do not hear of it any more. A proposal under this agreement was to permit the use of Palaly Airport by the Indian forces. All that has gone underground.

It does appear that New Delhi’s Sri Lanka policy is being influenced to a very great degree by the DMK. This would be particularly so after the DMK won all the 40 seats on the Tamil Nadu Assembly and in Pondicherry. The Congress and the DMK are now cooperating in the administration of these two bodies. At the centre a DMK pull out could threaten the existence of the government of Sonia Gandhi.

Thus even though India may be acknowledged as a ‘ global power’ by America and will be committed to fight terrorism everywhere particularly in the South Asia region, where the LTTE is concerned it cannot move, if the DMK leader applies pressure on New Delhi.

That fact should be mulled over by those ardent advocates of ‘friendship with India’. [Sunday Leader]

7th Dr.Neelan Tiruchelvam memorial lecture was delivered by Steve Coll, (Pulitzer-Prize winning Journalist,Staff writer,The New Yorker,former Managing Editor,The Washington Post and Author) on Terror and Constituition:Notes from America Since September 11.

It was organisde by The International Centre for Ethnic Stdies and Neelan Tiruchelvam Trust.The lecture was held at the Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall.

Steve Coll was the Bureau Chief for The Washington Post, in New Delhi from 1989 to 1992.He travelled to Pakistan,Bangladesh,Nepal and Sri Lanka. His writings include a book, “Journey to South Asia”.

Bradman Weerakoon presided over the memorial lecture.

Annual Chariot festival of Sri Varasiththti Vinayagar Vinayagar, Scarborough was held on July 21st.

Annual Chariot festival of Sri Varasiththi Vinayagar Vinayagar, Scarborough was held on July 22nd.

To Publish your Community Events & Photos in TamilWeek, please email: toronto@tamilweek.com 

The temple festivals were featured in The Toronto Star by Staff Reporter, Thulasi Srikanthan:

Chariot fest `brings everyone together’

Hindus flock to a temple to seek blessings at the annual festival honouring Lord Ganesha, the obstacle remover

As the temple bells tolled, women in multicolour saris parted ranks to make way for the gold-plated chariot circling Scarborough’s Sri Varasiththi Vinaayagar Hindu Temple.

As some lifted their hands in prayer yesterday, others held out flaming clay pots.

Atop the chariot, a priest known as an Iyar performed the Hindu prayer ritual of puja for Lord Ganesha, the elephant god in the Hindu religion.

Below him, a handful of women knelt, heads down, in front of the chariot while performers with peacock feathers danced to the beat of drums.

The festivities are part of the temple’s annual chariot festival which began July 9. Hundreds of Hindus from across the GTA, dressed in their finest saris and lengha suits and hair pinned with fresh flowers, packed the temple and its grounds to capacity yesterday.

“Many come here to ask for blessings,” said Thaya Rajah, who works at the temple.

For Hindus, Ganesha is the obstacle remover. He is the god who takes the negative attributes in a person and makes them good. The trip around the temple in the hand-carved chariot symbolized Ganesha visiting the world.

Jeya Thiyaga, who works at the temple, said the festival has grown with the city’s booming Tamil population. He said many of the devotees are Sri Lankan Tamils eager to celebrate the rituals of their homeland in their new country.

Fifteen year-old Shaumya Vijayakumarakurukkal has come to this festival since she was a child. She said it’s a way for young people like herself to stay connected with their culture.

“A lot of kids don’t know much about their religion or culture,” she said. “They learn by watching this.”

She said it’s a good way to meet up with friends and relatives. “It brings everyone together, people you haven’t seen in a while.”

Her biggest prayer at this year’s chariot festival is for the violence to stop in her homeland, Sri Lanka.

“I came here to pray for peace in my country.”

Life in the camps in Tamil Nadu is difficult, but at least they have no fear of their lives. This draws the masses across Palk straits to Tamil Nadu. In “Sailing the straights for safety”, people in Trincomalee is expressing their desire to leave, while an article published in www.The-Week.com, Tamils in Tamil Nadu camps voice their current situation:

Full text of article:

A poster in one of the ‘houses’ of the Sri Lankan refugees in a camp at Kaatumannarkoil in Cuddalore district reads: “To be happy, we must not be too concerned with others.” Living on borrowed space for over 15 years, the 60-something families could perhaps not agree more.

Sri Lankan refugees started coming to India in 1983. From 1983 to 1987, Tamil Nadu received over one lakh refugees. Though many have returned, the influx continues. “Many of our people have died with the unfulfilled desire of going back to our homeland,” says Kamalan, secretary of the camp. “Young children have seen their country only on the map.”

Kamalan left Killinochi when he was eight, but memories of his homeland are still fresh in his mind. “We had land which we cultivated,” he says. “We had our own place to live in. We were much more independent there. The only good thing about being in India is that our life is not in danger.”

And that is the only good thing. Life in the camp is difficult. The 230 refugees, including 100 women, are lodged in a coal godown. They have set up houses here, with walls made of sacks and plastic sheets. This provides feeble shelter from rains. “Running away from rains is much better than running away from bombs,” says Sugila Raj, the head of the camp.

The refugees are forced to do without toilets. “It is especially tough for us women,” says Vijayalakshmi, who hails from Trincomalee. “Pits in the earth serve as toilets. Many women have had physical problems because of this.” Vijayalakshmi came here with her husband and one-year-old child in 1990. She had two more children in the camp. “We received letters from my parents sometime back saying things were better and we could go back,” she says. “But since my children were in school, we could not relocate immediately. Now, I thank my stars. If we had gone back to Lanka, we would have got caught in the war.”

Cuddalore collector Gagandeep Singh Bedi says his administration has sanctioned Rs 6 lakh for toilets and water supply to the camp. “The issue was brought to my notice two months ago,” says Bedi. “The construction will start soon. The government has directed the administration to do the needful to improve the conditions in Kaatumannarkoil.”

Refugee children are admitted in government schools and are given special training at night schools, but there are no guarantees of good jobs. The graduates from the camp do menial jobs. “Most of us work as labourers,” says Kamalan. “We are refused jobs even if we are fit. The employers cite the impermanence of our stay here as a reason.”

Two refugees had been granted permission to drive autos. However, the permission has now been withdrawn. “It is important that we treat them with some basic humanity and respect,” says Ravikumar, Dalit Panthers MLA, who has taken up the fight for the refugees. “Otherwise, why should we call ourselves human beings?”

Women refugees who marry men from other camps in the state, face further problems. “When women get married and leave their camp, their names are struck off from the list of refugees in the camp,” says Ravikumar. “They have to apply afresh for refugee status in the new camp.” Till they obtain refugee status in the new camp, they are ‘illegal occupants’.

Rajeshwari, 28, of Kaatumannar-koil camp relocated to Puzhal camp near Chennai in 1996 after her marriage and applied afresh for refugee status. After having three kids, her husband deserted her to marry another girl, forcing her to return to Kaatumannarkoil. “It is two years since she reapplied for refugee status in Kaatumannarkoil camp, yet nothing has happened,” says Ravikumar.

Refugee status gives them the social security to continue living in India. A head of the family is entitled to Rs 200 per month, others get Rs 144 each. The first child and the second child get Rs 90 and Rs 45 each. Low quality rice is given at 57 paisa per kg. The head of the family is entitled to 400gm of rice a day, while children are given 200gm. Each member of the family gets 500gm sugar a month. Each person gets a new set of clothes and utensils once in two years. “They leave behind their property and come penniless to India,” says Ravikumar. “How will Rs 200 suffice? Women are never known to work in Sri Lanka, but as refugees in India they have few options.”

Amidst the gloom in Kaatumannar-koil, Sounderrajan’s family is an exception. His son is doing MBBS at Thanjavur and his daughter, who has completed her M.Sc., is looking forward to doing B.Ed. “Once my son finishes his degree and starts practising, maybe we can move to a decent place outside this camp,” says Sounderrajan. “If we cannot go back to Sri Lanka in two years, we might settle down in India.”

That the DMK is in power gives some hope to refugees. The party is known for its sympathetic attitude to Eelam Tamils. Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi has deputed two ministers to visit the 100 camps in the state and give him a status report. Meanwhile, Ravikumar and party colleague Thirumavalavan have plans to bring out a report on the camps. “The government has promised permanent houses for refugees,” says Ravikumar. “But that will not be enough. There is much more to be done.”

Things seem slightly better in Kurinjipadi camp in Cuddalore, which houses 400 refugees. Women have started self-help groups through which they intend to do businesses. People have even planted trees outside their houses. “We did not know how long we would stay here, but we planted the trees when we came here in 1990 and today they have made our place greener and better. Even if we leave in a few years, others can enjoy the benefits,” says Kulasekaran of Kurinjipadi camp.

In late June, 17 Sri Lankans landed in Dhanushkodi. “We come from Mannar, where people are often killed in clashes,” says Kannadasan, 22. “We were afraid to live there. There is no question of going back to Sri Lanka.” His wife Mangayakarasi, agrees: “India is our motherland, not Sri Lanka. There are so many people in India, a few of us will not make a difference. We hope that the government here will give us refuge and support to begin life anew.” What dreams do they have for their child, Kannappan? “We have received little education in Sri Lanka. So, we want him to study well here. We want him to converse in English,” says Kannadasan.

Refugees arrive by sea from Sri Lanka. “We left Sri Lanka at 6 a.m. and reached the Tamil Nadu coast at 10 a.m,” says Kannadasan. “It is a tough journey. Apart from the harsh wind and waves, the Coast Guards are always on the look-out for us.” The boat ride cost the refugees Rs 10,000 per person.

They arrive in small numbers to avoid getting noticed by the Coast Guards. Once they touch land, the state government takes over. A van picks them up at the coastal police check-post and drops them at the Dhanushkodi C3 police station. Their identity cards, if they have any, are checked to make sure that they are from Sri Lanka. “These people come from a different country and land in my police station first,” says Sub-Inspector R. Athmanathan. “I am proud to receive them here. The police-officials and villagers provide them with food and water. Only then do we start questioning them.”

After a preliminary questioning, the refugees are taken to the Mandapam camp, which presently houses about 3,300 refugees. A Rs 37-lakh proposal to electrify the 234-acre camp, and improve the condition of the road and other infrastructure has been put forward. “We issue them identification cards and ration cards,” says Athmanathan. “Sugar and kerosene can be bought only at open market prices.” The camp also has a government higher secondary school. A hospital and a police station, too, operate within the camp.

The refugees must return from work by 6 p.m. Most of them are well-versed in agricultural techniques, fishing and driving and get related jobs. There is a stretch of shops outside the entrance of the camp.

What if the refugees want to go back home? “We inform UN High Commission officials who check for the refugees’ willingness and prepare necessary documents,” says a camp official. “If the individual has money and can fly to Sri Lanka without government help, he should show us his ticket and then we relieve him.”

When asked what they expect in Tamil Nadu, a refugee answered: “Nimmadhi [peace].” And that is what makes them stay on in India.

By Kavitha Muralidharan/Cuddalore and Srinivasa Ramanujam/Mandapam [Courtesy: www.the-week.com]