tw news-features

by K. S. Sivakumaran

In the recent past a number of Lankans who had contributed to the Thamil radio and writing passed away in quick succession. Chief among them were V. A. Gafoor and S. Punniyamoorthy, pioneer Thamil radio announcers and newscasters. I shall come to them in a moment.

We must not also forget to remember other important personages who are not with us. The list includes Chockkan (S. Chokkalingam – a scholar, fiction writer, critic and an educationist), Nandhi (Prof. S. Sivagnasundaram – a Medical Officer with international organisations - a fiction writer), Chempian Chelvan (Rajagopal – fiction writer, critic and educationist), Kurinji Thennavan (plantation worker turned fiction writer), Raja Sri Kandan (former editor of Thinakaran, fiction writer and translator), A. P. V. Gomes (educationist, fiction writer, critic, dramatist and broadcaster from the hill country), Poondulu Oya Dharmu (hill country writer), K.Ganesh (translator, poet, fiction writer, critic and pioneer progressive writer with whom the late Martin Wickramasinghe and Ediriweera Sarachndra associated) and Puloylioor K.Sathasivam (a fiction writer and critic). They were all great contributors to the Lankan Thamil literary scene.

Both V. A. Gafoor and S. Punniyamoorthy were top Thamil announcers and newscasters who were pace-setters in broadcasting in Thamil over the then Radio Ceylon in the 1950s. Their contribution was immense and needs to be written of at length. Punniyamoorthy’s book in English News read by S. Punniyamoorthy with a foreword by the veteran civil servant and first director general of the radio station that became a corporation in the late 1960s. I salute, like most of us, all of them, though they are not with us any more.

Carnatic music

Carnatic Music means “Shastriya Sangeetham”, peculiar to the traditional form of music in South India. In those days the masses could not appreciate it. Most liked popular folk music and film songs. But over the years Thamil music composers slowly introduced Carnatic ragas into their film music compositions. But in the 1940s and even in 1930s Thamil films had exclusively Carnatic ragas. Artistes like M. S. Subbulaxhmi, M. K. Thiyagarajah Baghawathar, G. N. Balasubramaniam, Dhandapani Desigar, Honnappa Baghawathar, P. U. Chinnappa and others, just to mention a few names, acted and sang Carnatic tunes in films. They all sang Carnatic ragas.

Later, music directors like Rajeswara Rao, C. R. Subbaraman, T. G. Lingappa, Veda and many others led the way for Visvanathan and Ramamoorthy Combo to introduce western and Latin American rhythms into film music. Then with the arrival of Ilayarajah and A. R. Rahman, film music in Thamil films took a different turn. They combined folk tunes, Carnatic ragas and western pop music and brought alive fusion music.

With that tid-bit of information, lets turn to a Carnatic music recital that took place at the Ramakrishna hall last Saturday. The artiste was a student of the Colombo Hindu College, Bambalapitiya. Sivagnanaranjan Amalan had his debut of playing the Mirudangam. In a Carnatic music recital in particular, performance in solo is not possible. You need a singer so that the mirudangam player could accompany the singer. And the singer on this occasion was the maestro A. K. Karunakaran. If a young artiste like Amalan could accompany a great singer like Karunakaran, that itself is a great achievement.

Young Amalan had his training under A. Vikraman, who himself started his career as a member of the Thamil Orchestra at the SLBC. He later graduated as Vidwan having followed advanced studies in music, particularly in playing the mirudangam. The veena, flute and mirudangam are the most vital musical instruments in a carnatic music recital. Young Amalan’s masterly performance was indeed a God’s gift.

It’s not merely the mirudangam and voice that matters in a concert of carnatic music (though these are the most important), there are other accompaniments too. In the performance, Karunakaran’s daughters Shyamalangi (violin), Thenuka (thambura) along with T. Jeyasundaram (ganjira), Madras Gajan (muharsingh) were the accompanists who did a good job in making this event a beautiful evening of divine carnatic music.

The programme was neatly arranger with twelve items of singing and playing of well-known compositions. One notable feature was that almost all songs had lyrics or libretto in Thamil, as opposed to the usual Telugu keerthanais.

I was fascinated by the singing style of Vidwan Karunakaran, whose voice of a high range, clear enunciation and smooth transition from one frequency or decibel to the other was effortless. This showed his versatility and strong traditional training that could even accommodate new nuances as interpretation of his own creativity.

I had the pleasure of listening to Karunakaran in Oman’s capital Muscat some years back, amidst a critical and well-informed carnatic music audience of South Indians. He received applauds from them. His performance at Amalan’s maiden recital was great.

As Prof. S. Santhirasegeram of the Faculty of Education, University of Colombo said Amalan’s training to become an exponent of high standards in playing the mirudangam is a productive extracurricular activity. He was the chief guest at the recital. He added that this was an exemplary act and he could be a model for the other students to follow.

T. Muthukumarasamy, Principal of Hindu College, Colombo was the Guest of Honour. He spoke at length of Amalan and the instrument and the music tradition.

I should also mention that two radio and TV presenters in Thamil did their role with austerity and finesse. They conducted themselves splendidly and their announcements with correct pronunciation did not go unnoticed. They were Ms. Satsorupavathy Nathan in English and Sanmugampillai Visvanathan in Thamil. The former is a newscaster and editor of Thamil news over the SLBC. She was at one time an organiser in the English service of the SLBC. The latter, son of Sanmugampillai, a veteran in Carnatic Music, is presently a newscaster on Rupavahini. He also heads the Thamil section of the television channel. Now, a word about Amalan’s father.

Kamban Vila

Kambavarithy Jeyaraj, a non-academic with a rich literary background, especially on Thamil literature of the 7th to 12 th century period, and particularly on the great epic poet Kamban, adorns a konde in the traditional style of Thamilians and Sinhalas a few centuries ago. He wears vetti and shawl in saffron cloth and displays thiruneeru (holy ash) on his broad forehead. He is an interesting speaker quoting liberally from Thamil literature, particularly from Kamba Ramayanam. He is relatively young and seems to be a confirmed bachelor. He has traveled widely on lecture tours. He looks simple and leads a simple life. But he does grandiloquent things with the backing of a few influential people like the Justice C. V. Vigneswaran and T. Easwaran, a business tycoon.

The annual Kamban Vila in honour of Kamban is a cultural event for most Thamilians in Colombo. This year’s gala entertainment of speeches, debates, poetry readings, etc. were concluded successfully at the Ramakrishna Hall in Wellawatta a fortnight ago. I missed out on this three-day festival, particularly because I am no more enamoured by Thamilian speakers and poets from Thamil Nadu. However, such cultural events could help us at least for a while to forget thesordid happenings around the island. [Source: Island]

By Dr. Rajasingham Narendran

To ‘Fool’ is to deceive. A ‘Fool’ is a person lacking in judgment or good sense.

If some one fools any one the first time and gets away with it, he is cleverer than the one fooled. The one fooled may have been trusting and thus become vulnerable to being fooled. If the same person succeeds in fooling the same victim a second time, the victim is definitely a fool. However, if this person tries to fool the same victim a third time, he is the fool, unless the victim is an imbecile. This analogy applies rather aptly to describe some aspects of the relationship between the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Ealam) and the Tamils of Sri Lanka.

The LTTE fooled the Tamils into believing the Indians were wrong and had motives other than the welfare of the Tamils, when they intervened in Sri Lanka in 1986-1987. This episode involved the Indian government, the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF), Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and Presidents Jayawardene and Premadasa, and led to the deaths of Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and President Premadasa. The Tamils were made to believe everyone else involved in this episode were wrong and the LTTE was right. The Tamils, who initially welcomed the Indian intervention as manna from heaven and the end to their miseries in Sri Lanka, though utterly disappointed at the out come – the first missed opportunity, yet continued to believe in the infinite wisdom of Prabhaharan and the LTTE. This was the first major instance of the LTTE making wholesale fools of the Tamil people, including me.

The LTTE had proved itself cleverer than the Sri Lankan and Indian governments, the Tamils and to some extent the world. The Tamils were made fools, without their grasping the significance of the perfidy they had become victims of. The worst tragedy was the Indian government and the IPKF fell blindly in to the trap the LTTE had meticulously laid and became the villains of the piece. The LTTE engineered this perfidy very cunningly and through tactics that were yet unfamiliar to the Tamils and even the Indians. The Tamils were yet innocent and had a deeply ingrained trust in the LTTE as the only true and trustable bulwark against the machinations and brutality of the Sri Lankan governments. The late 1980s were yet close to the black July of 1983 and the short sighted and filthy political and military maneuvers of J.R. Jayawardene and the likes of Lalith Athulathmudali since. Memories of the horrible events of 1983 and the filthy tactics of the J.R. Jayawardene government were yet quite fresh. The Tamils were highly vulnerable to the devious tactics of the LTTE and were hence fooled. The Sri Lankan governments were made willing partners in this perfidy. President J.R.Jayawardene, the sly fox, was provided the space to wriggle out of the corner he had been trapped by the Indian intervention and pursue his pernicious agenda. President Premadasa forged a marriage of convenience with the LTTE, was taken for the now familiar ‘Tiger ride’ and paid for this folly with his life.

President Chandrika Kumaratunge who was perceived as a breeze of fresh air in Sri Lankan politics, agreed to a ceasefire with the LTTE in 1994 and initiated peace talks with the objective of resolving the ‘Tamil problem’ through decentralized constitutional arrangements- the nearest to a federal system of governance for Sri Lanka yet proposed. Chandrika Kumaratunge during her election campaigns and in the preceding years had helped build a consensus among the Sinhala masses about the need to decentralize power in Sri Lanka and had marginalized the extreme elements in the Sinhala polity. However, she was frustrated at every turn by the LTTE, which also provided fodder in abundance to the chauvinistic elements in the armed forces and the extreme fringes of the Sinhala polity, to create conditions to derail the peace process. The foolish and short sighted ‘War for Peace’ president Chandrika Kumaratunge waged following the ceasefire break down, played into hands of the LTTE and showered the worst misery on the Tamils, pushing them back several decades in every parameter- social, economic, health and education, that matter to human societies. Dr. Neelan Thiruchelvam and Minister C.V.Gunaratne lost their lives and president Chandrika Kumaratunge lost an eye as a consequence of this peace initiative and its aftermath.

Although the Tamils were beginning to smell a rat and sense the LTTE was playing a ‘Dirty’ game, they yet persisted in believing the LTTE was their only saviour and had to be supported against the forces of Sinhala chauvinism and militarism now spearheaded by the Chandrika Kumaratunge- Anurudha Ratwatte-Ratnasiri Wickremanayake trio. This was the second time the LTTE fooled the Tamils and made their lot worse than what it was before. The LTTE was ably aided and abetted by the shortsightedness and idiocy that befell the Chandrika Bandaranaike government in the wake of the failed peace initiative. The LTTE however, failed to realize the Tamils were waking up to the reality of being fooled and had not been totally taken in or convinced by their antics and tricks. The forced evacuation of Jaffna, added to the increasing disillusionment with the LTTE. The LTTE had assumed that the Tamils are incorrigible fools and persisted in its efforts to fool them more. This was a second missed opportunity for the Tamils and one more blow to the trust the Tamils had reposed in the LTTE.

The general election win by the UNP (United National Party) and the assumption of the office of prime minister by Ranil Wickremasinghe under the Chandrika Kumaratunge presidency, resulted in the Norwegians playing an active role as facilitators in the Sri Lankan peace process and the on-going ceasefire agreement being signed in 2002. The ceasefire agreement was widely welcomed by all peoples in Sri Lanka. There was general relief and a palpable sense of euphoria that the bad times were finally behind us as a nation. The involvement of the international community, particularly Norway, assured the Tamils the ceasefire will be durable and the peace process will lead to a permanent end to the misery and turmoil that had become their lot. They believed they could not be cheated once again by the Sri Lankan government or fooled by the LTTE. However, the LTTE once again deliberately failed to grasp the opportunity to harness the general good will and the newfound international involvement to pursue permanent solutions to the problems of the Tamils. In this instance their tactics were dilatory and deliberately diversionary. The primary focus was on consolidating their power base. The overall objective was to lay the foundations for an independent Tamil Ealam and their dictatorial, fascist and undemocratic rule, under the cover the peace process provided. The Tiger was taking the Tamils, the Sri Lankan government and the International Community for a ride of their lives!

Chandrika Kumaratunge, the JVP (Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna) and the JHU (Jathika Hela Urumaya) stupidly and very shortsightedly provided the conditions for the LTTE to shift the blame for the stalemate. The Sinhala polity had once again fallen into the trap laid by the LTTE, being of course blinded by parochial political ambitions and rank political opportunism. The policy of appeasement followed by the Ranil Wickremasinghe government and the Norwegians, on the assumption that this would help win the confidence of the LTTE and firmly commit it to the peace process, was hijacked by the LTTE to pursue its own self seeking goals, and give a new lease of life to the chauvinistic elements in the Sinhala polity. The LTTE had gained the confidence it can fool the world too, at this stage. The most important victim of this episode in the peace drama in Sri Lanka was foreign minister Lakshman Kadirgamar.

However, the presence of the SLMM (Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission), the active involvement of International Organizations such as the Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the UNICEF, and the close watch being kept by the International Community, have exposed the blatant manner in which the LTTE has breached the provisions of the ceasefire agreement; used it as a cover to establish elements of an independent Tamil state; harass, fleece and murder the Tamil people; and brutalize Tamil society. The relative peace that has prevailed in the North and East over the past four years has also permitted the Tamils to see the LTTE for what it truly is – a liberation movement turned criminal, fascist and self-seeking. The large mass of the Tamils have now realized the LTTE is ‘THE’ major impediment to peace. The Tamils now understand how dangerous the Tiger is! The Tamil people have become wiser to the antics and tricks of the LTTE and cannot be fooled any more. The Tamils are cognizant of the true face of the LTTE and the ground realities. The Tamils cannot be taken for a ‘Tiger Ride’ by the LTTE any more. Unfortunately, however, the Tamils may have to once again pay the price for having taken the ‘Tiger ride’ this long. It is beholden on the Sri Lankan government and the International Community to ensure the Tamils do not pay the price for the criminal follies of the LTTE.

The suicide bomber attack on the army headquarters in Colombo a few days back and the events leading to and following it are once again a scenario pre-planned and executed by the LTTE to disengage from the peace process and convince the Tamils it is not a viable option, because of the genocidal intentions of the Sri Lankan government. This is the repetition of the tactics followed by the LTTE in 1986-1987 and in 1994-1995. We can only hope the Sri Lankan government and the International Community have become wiser and do not fall into the traps being laid by the LTTE. This is the third effort of the LTTE to fool the Tamils and foist another missed opportunity on them.

The LTTE should not be permitted to have its way this time. This attempt should be a leap into the grave for the LTTE. The Tamil people have to seek an alternate leadership immediately and give the LTTE a decent burial. It yet deserves a decent burial in gratitude for its memorable role in Sri Lankan Tamil history. Ingratitude will be unbecoming of the Tamils, however much they may abhor the LTTE and its ways now. We have nothing more to prove with violence, especially the type of senseless and meaningless violence that has become the trademark of the LTTE. A permanent peace and acceptable political solutions have to be pursued, negotiated, finalized and implemented with international assistance starting immediately. The present opportunity should not be missed. If we miss it, we will be the biggest fools (imbeciles!) living on the face of this earth. I would rather prefer the LTTE to be recorded in history as the fools for having missed the bus and not the Tamil people. The Tamils have to make it clear by every means available; they will not be fooled this time around or at any time in the future. The International Community should also by word and deed demonstrate they will not condone the ways of the LTTE any more and they too cannot be fooled.

The following extracts from the ‘Arab News’ editorial (27/04/06), clearly portray what the world at large thinks of the current situation in Sri Lanka and may help open some blinkered eyes:

“ Hard-line Sinhalese politicians and military men had always believed that peace negotiations based around power sharing and an autonomous region in the Tamil-speaking north of the island, were only a cover for the Tigers to regroup. Recent events seem to justify their skepticism” . (Please note the reference to the North only).

“After the 2004 tsunami, the appalling failure of the Sri Lankan authorities to disperse international aid quickly to stricken Tamil as well as Sinhala regions, reinforced the view that the government was pursuing a bigoted and highly biased policy”.

“ Two years on, views have changed. The Tamil rebels have fought amongst each other and dealt ruthlessly with anyone in the community who had the temerity to question their aggressive policies”.

“ Though the Norwegian peacemakers have not admitted it publicly, privately some have said that most, though not all the obstruction in the peace process has come from the Tamil side”.

“It has been suggested that the Tamil Tigers have established a gangster-style regime enforced by terror among their own people”.

“ The leaders of the rebellion would lose power and influence, were there to be a real peace”.

“ When all is said and done, 60,000 people have died in this terrible conflict. The international community has worked hard to find a settlement and, as it looks now, it is the Tamil Tiger leadership that has done the most to disrupt it”.

The United Nations Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, Professor Philip Alston, today called on the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) to take urgent measures to end political killings and to strengthen protection for human rights as conflict looked set to spiral out of control.

‘The current impasse in negotiations is no excuse for either side not taking immediate steps to end political killings and protect human rights,” he said. “The dangerous escalation of the conflict in recent days is a direct consequence of killings being allowed to run unchecked.”

The Special Rapporteur has recently released the final report of his fact-finding mission to Sri Lanka in December 2005. His report draws on visits and interviews undertaken in Ampara, Batticaloa, Colombo and Kilinochchi with Government officials, representatives of the LTTE, the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM), representatives of the diplomatic community, witnesses of extrajudicial killings and relatives of those killed, representatives of various political parties, and members of Sri Lankan civil society.

The Special Rapporteur expressed deep concern about the widespread killings and violence that has continued to spiral since his visit, culminating in a suicide bomb attack on the army chief in Colombo and retaliatory military strikes on 25 April. These included the assassination of Tamil National Alliance MP Joseph Parajasingham while attending church on Christmas Eve 2005; the apparent extra-judicial execution by security forces of five students in Trincomalee on 2 January; and the killing of a prominent Tamil community leader in Trincomalee, Mr J Vigneswaran, on 7 April. The victims also include members of the Sinhalese and Muslim communities, including transport workers, business people and government officials. During the same period, there have been numerous claymore mine and other attacks on police and security forces.

Alston observed that “Every such killing represents a major setback to the peace process, and every retaliatory death plays into the hands of those whose interests do not lie in the restoration of peace. In responding to the situation, the Government must give primacy to protecting civilian lives.”

The Special Rapporteur noted the difficulties in attributing responsibility for many attacks in the absence of effective investigation by Sri Lanka’s law enforcement bodies or the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission that oversees the ceasefire. Both parties appear to be exploiting the ambiguities presented by the ceasefire agreement and the weakness of its monitoring mission to consolidate and advance their position. He noted also that the national Human Rights Commission currently had its hands tied due to the Government’s failure to appoint new members through the Constitutional Council.

The Special Rapporteur found the LTTE’s denials of responsibility for many attacks unconvincing, and warned that itsapparent use of surrogate groups to attack the security forces represented a dangerous escalation of the conflict. He also noted that the LTTE’s characterization of its political opponents within the Tamil community as paramilitaries is a gross oversimplification of a complex situation.

At the same time, the Special Rapporteur reported a dangerous indifference on the part of the Government to other armed elements responsible for attacks, including the Karuna group. While he found no clear evidence of official collusion during his visit, he reported strong circumstancial evidence of at least informal cooperation between Government forces and these factions.

The Special Rapporteur noted the Government had failed to effectively investigate most political killings. Few suspects are pursued or identified, let alone apprehended. In many cases, the police act as if the ceasefire agreement itself prevented them from fulfilling their law enforcement functions. Even where arrests have been made, witnesses face threats and prosecutions rarely proceed. The Special Rapporteur expressed special concern about serious threats made in recent weeks to Dr Manohoran, the father of one of five students killed in Trincomalee on 2 January who had given eyewitness testimony, and urged the authorities to expedite this case while ensuring full protection to the witnesses and families. He was also disturbed by the re-emergence of reports of deaths in custody and disappearances at the hands of the security forces, problems that have wracked Sri Lanka in the past.

At the same time, the Special Rapporteur noted that the SLMM has taken an overly narrow view of its mandate as excluding investigation, making it appear simply as a recording agency. While the SLMM has made an invaluable contribution over the past four years, the time has come to reinforce its work. He urged the parties to accord the SLMM a stronger and better-equipped role to enable it to carry out more in-depth monitoring of killings and to publicly report its findings of the facts in different cases. This would build public confidence and help quell the claims, counter-claims and rumours that were only fuelling the cycle of retaliation and conflict.

Longer term, the Special Rapporteur said a broader human rights framework and more comprehensive international monitoring mechanism is needed to address the many human rights issues that went beyond the ceasefire. He commended to the parties the options presented in this regard by their human rights advisor, Mr Ian Martin.

In his report, the Special Rapporteur also stressed the need for reforms to the criminal justice system as a whole to improve law enforcement, prevent problems of torture and deaths in custody, and better safeguard the human rights of all Sri Lankans.

[Full Report]

Professor Alston is an independent expert appointed by the Commission on Human Rights to investigate these issues worldwide. He was invited by the Government of Sri Lanka to make a fact finding visit to the country.

by Dushiyanthini Kanagasabapathipillai

The most auspicious day in the Hindu Calendar, Akshaya Tritiya is considered the day, one invests in gold. And this investment is believed to increase many fold throughout the year. Akshaya means imperishable or eternal. Akshaya Tritiya falls on 30 th April 2006.

The jewellery showrooms in Colombo have already started to encourage their customers to visit the showroom on 30 th April 2006, and invest in gold. Gold is regarded as a symbol of wealth and prosperity.

There is a wide range of advertisements in the media, regarding Akshaya Tritiya. The jewelers keep their shops till twilight on this day to attract customers.

It is the Goddess Lakshmi’s bountiful gift

“The customers like to buy more gold, because it’s a life long investment” says the Propreitor of Lalitha Jewellery Kandasamy Sellakumar.

Dilan Sameera makes an “Attiyal”. He says that he can fininsh it in three days.

A “Pathakkam” is being made for a customer, who will collect it on 30th April 2006.

A new exciting collection of jewelleries have been introduced.

“The gold price has increased very rapidly. But I love gold jewellery, and I want to buy a chain this time for the Akshaya Tritiya” says Nilmini Katugambe, who is a regular customer of Lalitha Jewellery in Sea Street, Colombo 11.

A sovereign of gold is currently sold for Sri Lankan Rupees 16,400 (US $164)

Gold is being melted

[Scene at Sea Street, Colombo’s Jewellery district - More Pictures from Golden Times - Pictorial of 2005 Akshaya Tritiya]

Gold stands for goodness, purity, wealth and social standing in some cultures, there is an added aura of sanctity and divinity.

All its attributes are personified in the Goddess Lakshmi. Gold has very strong associations with good fortune and prosperity. In essence the idea behind the festival of “Akshaya Tritiyai”.

A check on the well being of each other, in Sea Street, Colombo, Sri Lanka.

Scene at Sea Street

Hindu Temple on Sea Street, Colombo, Sri Lanka. More Pictures from Golden Times - Pictorial of 2005 Akshaya Tritiya

Source: [HumanityAshore.org] - Contact:dushi.pillai@gmail.com

Violence is escalating in Sri Lanka, with an attack by a suicide bomber in Colombo on the army headquarters that has seriously injured the army commander and killed many others. In retaliation, the Government of Sri Lanka has ordered air and naval attacks on LTTE strongholds. The international media is announcing a “return to war” in response to this escalation of violence. The lower level of violence that prevailed during the cease fire is now being pushed higher. However, the problem Sri Lanka faces is much worse than a mere escalation of violence. A country that is already facing a collapse of its basic institutions and living at the lowest ebb of the rule of law is now plunging deeper into an abysmal crisis in all areas of life. The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) has warned of this situation for a long time.

The fragile cease fire was all that could be achieved against a background of intense violence that has prevailed in the country for almost three decades. Sri Lanka has been the stage of one of the most brutal killing fields, with hardly any avenues for democratic debate or democratic solutions to any problems. In fact, no one really talks of democracy any more, or sees the ethnic conflict or other conflicts existing in the country through a democratic perspective. All sides to the conflict have nothing and no one to talk to. Everyone is trying to make their point in the most violent way possible.

The AHRC has consistently pointed out that the crisis in Sri Lanka is a crisis of democracy, with its roots in the authoritarian style of rule that arose as a result of the 1978 Constitution. The abandonment of a basic democratic infrastructure that was accepted as the foundation of the country’s governance at the beginning of independence met with hardly any resistance in the late 1970s and 1980s. The architect of the 1978 Constitution was an aged politician who had no other ambition than to rule for the rest of his life, like colonial governor generals or ancient monarchs. That the displacement of all basic democratic norms and standards and of the respect for institutions brought about by this constitution would damage the country for a long time to come was none of his concerns. The crisis has deepened since that time, without tangible efforts on the part of other political parties or civil society for the construction of the country on the basis of democracy.

The ethnic conflict developed into a killing competition as a result of the initial collapse of democratic safeguards. In turn, long years of violence have deteriorated democracy further. In the early years, there were some forms of resistance on the part of the judiciary and some liberal elements, but over the years everyone has become adjusted to the authoritarian scheme. While there is a lot of expression of frustration and grief about what has taken place in the country in citizens of all classes’ private conversations, there has been no growth of a strong movement within the country to fight back and to reassert democracy.

Those who have talked about peace, including the international agencies that have taken an active role in recent years, have seen “the ethnic conflict” in isolation and made no attempt to link it to the greater crisis existing within the system of governance, which affects the entire country. The belief that the ethnic issue can in some way be resolved while democracy in the country has decayed has not been seen as an absurd proposition. However, the absurdity of the situation is now manifesting itself, as the violence escalates.

This simply demonstrates that mere “peace talks” without a comprehensive programme for democratic reform throughout the country are just an illusion. As violence escalates, corruption will also increase and already inefficient state structures will degenerate further. In the absence of internal capacities to control crime, corruption and to move towards stability, violence can only engender further forms of destruction and decay.

Although this scene is disheartening, it must be faced. The rhetoric of war and focus on attacks and counter-attacks will on dissimulate this stark reality. Once again, if there is any possibility of a rescue, it lies not in the hands of politicians, but in the hands of enlightened civil society groups, if they care to and are willing to make their presence felt by calling for fundamental democratic reforms in all areas of life. Only in comprehensive democratic reform can we find hope for the country. This lesson is once again appearing high in the skies of Sri Lanka. The AHRC urges all Sri Lankans and members of the international community who care for stability and the safeguarding of lives and liberty, to link the thinking on Sri Lanka to the need for achieving comprehensive democratic reforms in the country as soon as possible. [Source: AHRC]

[Full Text of Statement Released by Asian Human Rights Commission]

# # #

About AHRC The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional non-governmental organisation monitoring and lobbying human rights issues in Asia. The Hong Kong-based group was founded in 1984.

Violence is escalating in Sri Lanka, with an attack by a suicide bomber in Colombo on the army headquarters that has seriously injured the army commander and killed many others. In retaliation, the Government of Sri Lanka has ordered air and naval attacks on LTTE strongholds. The international media is announcing a “return to war” in response to this escalation of violence.  The lower level of violence that prevailed during the cease fire is now being pushed higher.  However, the problem Sri Lanka faces is much worse than a mere escalation of violence.  A country that is already facing a collapse of its basic institutions and living at the lowest ebb of the rule of law is now plunging deeper into an abysmal crisis in all areas of life.  The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) has warned of this situation for a long time.  

The fragile cease fire was all that could be achieved against a background of intense violence that has prevailed in the country for almost three decades. Sri Lanka has been the stage of one of the most brutal killing fields, with hardly any avenues for democratic debate or democratic solutions to any problems.  In fact, no one really talks of democracy any more, or sees the ethnic conflict or other conflicts existing in the country through a democratic perspective.  All sides to the conflict have nothing and no one to talk to.  Everyone is trying to make their point in the most violent way possible.  

The AHRC has consistently pointed out that the crisis in Sri Lanka is a crisis of democracy, with its roots in the authoritarian style of rule that arose as a result of the 1978 Constitution.  The abandonment of a basic democratic infrastructure that was accepted as the foundation of the country’s governance at the beginning of independence met with hardly any resistance in the late 1970s and 1980s.  The architect of the 1978 Constitution was an aged politician who had no other ambition than to rule for the rest of his life, like colonial governor generals or ancient monarchs.  That the displacement of all basic democratic norms and standards and of the respect for institutions brought about by this constitution would damage the country for a long time to come was none of his concerns.  The crisis has deepened since that time, without tangible efforts on the part of other political parties or civil society for the construction of the country on the basis of democracy.  

The ethnic conflict developed into a killing competition as a result of the initial collapse of democratic safeguards. In turn, long years of violence have deteriorated democracy further.  In the early years, there were some forms of resistance on the part of the judiciary and some liberal elements, but over the years everyone has become adjusted to the authoritarian scheme. While there is a lot of expression of frustration and grief about what has taken place in the country in citizens of all classes’ private conversations, there has been no growth of a strong movement within the country to fight back and to reassert democracy.  

Those who have talked about peace, including the international agencies that have taken an active role in recent years, have seen “the ethnic conflict” in isolation and made no attempt to link it to the greater crisis existing within the system of governance, which affects the entire country.  The belief that the ethnic issue can in some way be resolved while democracy in the country has decayed has not been seen as an absurd proposition.  However, the absurdity of the situation is now manifesting itself, as the violence escalates.  

This simply demonstrates that mere “peace talks” without a comprehensive programme for democratic reform throughout the country are just an illusion. As violence escalates, corruption will also increase and already inefficient state structures will degenerate further.  In the absence of internal capacities to control crime, corruption and to move towards stability, violence can only engender further forms of destruction and decay.

Although this scene is disheartening, it must be faced. The rhetoric of war and focus on attacks and counter-attacks will on dissimulate this stark reality.  Once again, if there is any possibility of a rescue, it lies not in the hands of politicians, but in the hands of enlightened civil society groups, if they care to and are willing to make their presence felt by calling for fundamental democratic reforms in all areas of life.  Only in comprehensive democratic reform can we find hope for the country.  This lesson is once again appearing high in the skies of Sri Lanka.  The AHRC urges all Sri Lankans and members of the international community who care for stability and the safeguarding of lives and liberty, to link the thinking on Sri Lanka to the need for achieving comprehensive democratic reforms in the country as soon as possible.  [Source: AHRC]

[Full Text of Statement Released by Asian Human Rights Commission]

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About AHRC The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional non-governmental organisation monitoring and lobbying human rights issues in Asia. The Hong Kong-based group was founded in 1984.