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by Dr. Rajasingham Narendran 

“Paalai ooti paambai naam walarthaalum- athu namaiyey

Kadika thaaney waruvathu, purindhu kholla werndumey- Tamil film song

(Translation: It should be understood that a baby snake hand reared with milk, would bite us when grown.)

The talks scheduled for April in Geneva between the GOSL (Government of Sri Lanka) and the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Ealam), is being preceded by violence- which was quite predictable, the usual threats and counter threats, demands, accusations and denials, and very little besides. The LTTE is yet talking about the so-called paramilitary groups and its own security concerns, but has not spelt out an agenda that addresses the immediate and long-term concerns of the Tamils. The GOSL true to form, is more interested in countering the military threat the LTTE poses and weakening it on the international front (not withstanding the fact that the LTTE itself is doing a better job of this!), rather than spelling out how it intends to sort out the minority issues in Sri Lanka both in the short and long term, in a rational, civilized and wise manner. The unwillingness to address and contend with core issues that have been allowed to fester and rot over several decades lies at the center of the Sri Lankan malady. The international community has also been unwilling to address these issues in a meaningful and timely manner, despite the considerable influence they can bring to bear on both the LTTE and the GOSL. 

The legitimacy of the GOSL as one party to the conflict is unquestionable, while the legitimacy of the LTTE as the sole representative of the Tamils and the other party to the conflict is now open to question, due to its rapidly declining credibility among the Tamils and the international community, brought about by its increasingly unpalatable behaviour. The question whether the Tamil representation at future talks should be expanded beyond that of the LTTE or separate and parallel talks between the GOSL and ‘OTHER’ Tamil representatives have to commence in the near future, is looming high on the horizon and cannot be ignored for long. The LTTE reaction to this reality will be violent, mean and extremely dangerous. Unfortunately this unsavoury situation has been brought about by the blinkered vision and arrogant attitude of the LTTE and has to be dealt irrespective of consequences, sooner than later. The longer these issues are ignored or glossed over, the greater will be the adverse consequences. The earlier a cancer is identified and treated the better will be the prognosis for the patient. In the case of the Tamils, diagnosis and commencement of treatment have been delayed far too long.

Decisiveness, on the part of the Tamils, the GOSL and the international community is the need of the hour, on the question of Tamil representation at future talks. Once this issue is directly confronted, the question would arise as to who should be the alternate or additional representatives for the Tamils. This is also bound to create more questions than answers considering the sorry state of the Tamil polity at present. The best among the bad is the only choice currently available, considering the reluctance of most Tamils who would be capable of providing wise leadership during the difficult period of serious talks and in the immediate aftermath, to come forward in the face of the multi-faceted violence that would be let loose against them by the LTTE and possibly other Tamil militant groups. Only God would be able to help us Tamils at that juncture and we should pray this would be forthcoming. 

While much adverse attention has been focused on the LTTE in the past year, both in Sri Lanka and internationally, for being an impediment to solutions and an instigator and perpetrator of mindless violence, the GOSL also deserves universal condemnation for not spelling out in clear, unambiguous terms, the solutions it proposes to the Majority- Minority problems in Sri Lanka, chief among which is the Tamil problem. The GOSL need not go to Geneva or Timbuktu to be told by the LTTE what the problems of the Tamils (and other minorities) are. The GOSL has found the LTTE a willing and convenient – though strange- bed fellow in its mission to prevaricate and delay solutions, in the hope that the Tamils will out of sheer despair give up their struggle and accept Sinhala domination as an unquestionable fact in their lives. The cynicism governing the management of this problem by the GOSL, matches that of the Sudanese government in Darfur. The only difference is that the Tamils have shown more spunk, spirit and resourcefulness than the Darfurians.

The GOSL can deal with the LTTE and the problems it represents as a separate issue whilst dealing with the core problems of the Tamils directly. If the Tamils were presented reasonable proposals that recognize historical realities of the post-independence era and offer acceptable remedies, unilaterally, we would see the beginnings of the end to the current stalemate. The Tamils will see alternatives to the LTTE, other militants and Tamil Ealam as a real possibility and will be freed from the dilemma of having to choose between the devil and the deep blue sea. The Tamils are currently unable to choose between two alternatives they through experience recognize to be equally bad. This should be patently clear to any one with even a modicum of intelligence. The continuation of the status quo in the political arrangements in Sri Lanka is as unacceptable, as embracing the LTTE and the future it offers. The GOSL omissions and commissions of the past are part of the historical memory of the Tamils and is frequently reinforced by the mindless actions of the armed forces and police (instruments of the GOSL) - such as the murder of the five Tamil youth in Trincomalee recently. This reality cannot be forgotten, when one talks of possible solutions. On the other hand, Tamils are having a taste of life –rather bitter and very disappointing experiences- under the LTTE, and are without doubt fearful of a future in a Tamil Ealam ruled by it. The GOSL and the Sinhala polity have to offer reasonable alternatives to the phenomenon represented by the LTTE and other militants to the Tamils immediately, if they are serious about seeking a peaceful end to the on-going conflict. 

While taking a thorn with a thorn may be an acceptable tactic and a necessary tool, the GOSL should realize the LTTE is also pursuing the same tactics under the same compulsions. Machiavellian politics and tactics have been used by both the GOSL and the LTTE for too long and have only made what was already bad worse at every stage. Because the LTTE is not restrained by any religious, moral, cultural or legal scruples and is not accountable to the people, a constitution or international law on account of its nature and composition, it will ultimately prevail in a contest governed by only Machiavellism and militarism. However, it cannot and will not be able to counter a response based on righteousness, honesty, truth, pragmatism, justice and reasonableness. The GOSL that is planning Buddha Jayanthi celebrations on a grand scale should contemplate whether it would be a better tribute to Lord Buddha, to resolve the problems in Sri Lanka on the basis of the fundamental truths revealed by him. It is indeed food for thought at this juncture that injustice, corruption, inequity, murder and mayhem have become the norm in a country that is predominantly Buddhist and takes pride in its close links to Lord Buddha himself. 

The Tamils are not the enemies of the Sinhalese as much as the Sinhalese are not the enemies of the Tamils. This fact applies to the other minorities in Sri Lanka as well. Instead of laying the foundations for greater divisiveness and violence in the future, through such measures as a separate Muslim regiment within the national army, the GOSL should seek a path of national reconciliation and peace. All minorities should be recruited to the Sri Lankan armed forces, police and the public services, in proportion to their population ratios immediately and treated as equals to the Sinhalese recruits in every way. This will be an administrative measure that will give the right signals to the minorities and assure them of the good will of the GOSL and the Sinhala polity. The cost incurred in enlarging the government payroll as a result of this measure, will be much less than what we are spending and losing as a nation in a war of attrition. What cannot be immediately achieved at the mental plane can be then achieved at least partially through the pay packet. As much as the route to a man’s heart for a woman is supposed to be through his stomach, it may be also the route the GOSL should take to reach the hearts, if not the minds of the minorities.

We have to ‘Talk the talk’ while ‘Walking the walk’ if we are to resolve our problems fast. Nonsensical talks and no walk is the reality today. The talks that have hitherto taken place have skirted the core issues and have been centered on the peripheral non-essentials. For how long are we going to pursue this directionless and meaningless path? The LTTE that epitomizes violence and has dished it out to the Sinhalese, Muslims and Tamils in equal measure is now concerned about the safety of its delegates to the Geneva talks and has sought guarantees from its enemy –the GOSL. Who will guarantee the safety of the non-combatants threatened by the LTTE? The LTTE that has been described as the most efficient Para-legal military and terrorist organization currently operating in the world, is demanding that the GOSL- its avowed enemy, disarm the other Tamil Para-military groups operating in the North and East! The cynicism inherent in these demands is nauseating. Can the talks be centered forever on such nonsense and contradictions? The LTTE should state clearly that its only goal is an independent Tamil Ealam and walk out of the talks to pursue its stated goal in the only way it knows. It will be respected by the Tamils and the world for this honest stand. However, to engage in talks to seek a peaceful resolution of the conflict and thereafter not pursue that option seriously is chicanery of the worst sort, by charlatans of the worst kind.

Once the talks start, there must be simultaneous walking towards set goals. Where are these goals and walking in the talks that the GOSL and the LTTE are engaged in with Norwegian facilitation? Norwegians are yet to facilitate any talks that have borne any fruits for the Tamils, in the post-ceasefire period. They have however helped appease the LTTE directly and though various interventions at the Sri Lankan and international levels. This has delayed the advent of permanent peace and given the wrong cues to the LTTE. Having hoodwinked the Tamils and the GOSL for dog’s years, the LTTE has been made to believe that it can hoodwink the world too. The Norwegians are like a referee without a rules book officiating in either a cricket match without wickets or a soccer match without goal posts! The Norwegians have to realize that they are prolonging the agony of the Tamils with their approach to facilitation. The saga of their involvement in the Palestinian – Israeli problems and the current situation on this front should ring some warning bells in the Norwegian minds. The GOSL and the LTTE have found Norway a convenient cover to implement their hidden agenda. The Norwegians should insist on an agenda that centers on the Tamils and their problems, and work towards setting goals that have to be reached within fixed time frames (a road map). A facilitator may not be a mediator, but a facilitator is not a messenger boy or an appeaser either. The time to ‘Walk’ in the peace making effort has been delayed inordinately and the responsibility definitely lies with the Norwegians. It may be better for the Norwegians to walk out of their current role in the present talks, if it is ineffective, than be part of a charade that only prolongs the agony of the Tamils.

It is better for the Tamils in the North and East to suffer and die en-masse in an open war than die in installments at the whim and fancy of the LTTE, GOSL and a largely senseless Tamil Diaspora. It is better to die knowing that it may come upon you at any time and expecting it, rather than die while living under the illusion that one is safe because of the ceasefire. The fact of confronting the reality of death will at least galvanize the Tamils to take a do or die stand against the forces arrayed against them- both within and without. Once a person or a people are ready to face death, nothing can stand in their way. They will have nothing more to lose! This defiant stance need not be violent and has to be only in spirit. There will be more hope and fewer deaths for us as a people in such circumstances than in the ‘Fools Paradise’ the North and East have become under the present ceasefire and Norwegian facilitation. The Tamils living in the North and East of Sri Lanka deserve the pity of the world, as both the GOSL- their legal guardians and the LTTE- their so-called liberators, have failed them miserably. The international community is their last hope and if the Tamils are let down by the world as well, only divine intervention can save them from extinction. It is indeed heart rending to contemplate the sad plight of a once proud people who were equal to any in this world in intelligence, ability, culture and resilience.

The story of Draupathi while being disrobed by Dukchadhana in the audience hall of King Dhritharaashtra as related in the Mahabharatha will be of some solace to the Tamils and reinforce their spirit for the fight that lies ahead. As Dukchadhana continues to peel away her garments, Draupathi failing to get any help from the Pancha Pandavas, cries out in utter despair for help to Lord Krishna. Her heart rending cries of Krishna, Krishna, —- were unanswered until she was fighting with her hands to hold on to her garments. Finally in utter despair she takes her hands off her garments, and concentrates on her appeals to Lord Krishna. Her cries are then heard, and her garments keep unraveling in an unending mass. A tired Dukchadana gives up and Draupadi’s honour is intact. The morale in this story is that total surrender and absolute faith in God are necessary, if God’s help is to come our way, when we need it most. The anger that welled in Draupathi’s heart that day laid the foundations for the Kaurawa’s defeat at Kurukshetra. [TamilWeek, Apr 16, 2006]

by Prof. C. Suriyakumaran

Mr. Bandu de Silva, who has written an article, solely on Radhika Coomaraswamy and the Children of War (A), was along with several others of our cherished foreign service all people I had held in high esteem, several of whom indeed worked together with me on some of our most creative UN Programmes of years gone by now.

Mr. Bandu de Silva’s own article was, as I said solely on Radhika Coomaraswamy and the children of War. On that, we have the following:

One is that, if properly viewed, the caveats - and that did not, repeat not, exclude clear assessment on child recruitment - were really to strengthen the claim and the level of Radhika’s oncoming task. I just cannot see any ‘warning’ from me only a total picture. Few could wish her better.

On the Peace Talks (B), the subject had to have three components. The one on Child Recruitment was of the first. There were two other radical foundations which together were to make sense for our whole ongoing process. The second was on Peace - seen as Peace Keeping (‘Military’); Peace Making (‘Political’) ; Peace Building (‘Economic’). So I may not be mis-understood, let me make it clear that this applies to all sides, Governmental, LTTE, and other various Groups and Organisations.

My recent brief letter on Anandasangaree’s so called ‘Indian Model’ is another case in point. There was no writing to advise one side or the other, as unkindly suggested now. The only time I did so was - openly - in two articles in the Daily News in the form of an Open Letter to Prabhakaran NOT to follow the 50-Year-Development Folly of the South! - and how to develop.

Hence too the Third Component, needed, expressed in my somewhat passionate recall of SWRD Bandaranaike’s outstanding thinking, in this area - namely our Final Future (C), and if I might say my own modest contributions to it - a vindication of all our efforts at (A) and (B) - as the Chinese acupuncturist shouted at a silly American patient to say “You know that whole body connected?” Sound perspectives to the problem on children, the proper understanding of the interlinks of Peace Keeping, Peace Making and Peace Building and the Future, all link to each other.

Not many may understand what I have been striving to convey on these and other things. I know they will come to be seen in time, slowly and surely.

Quite apart from these, since I had happened to mention them in my Article, the case of Neelan’s - whom I never condemned personally, as alleged! - was a case of sheer Greek tradegy of a good man of good intent yet too much leaning backwards to a short sighted all powerful President. The LTTE should never have gone against Neelan (as too against Rajiv Gandhi).

As for Lakshman whom I knew of course as a younger person in the UN, and who later presiding at a CIMA Annual Conference came up from behind to tell me that he had never listened to such a creative keynote address, there is no resentment - only that he failed in the task, against better thinking of advancing the Peace Process. Officially it is yet not known who killed him but as I have said more than once, whoever did it, nobody had a right to it. As for his own personal career there is no need to lengthen my own writing further. It is noteworthy that - an essential role player - he considered himself unnecessary here once he got any of the High International Positions he was hoping for. Questions of his qualifications was never an issue as now asked of one! As testament to his work at home, LTTE banned or non banned the crucial Peace Talks are now taking place!

Let us all work now - me now more an observer - to keep this country as one. Patria Non Dividenda Est!, I said in my last article, and we need to look at (A), (B), (C), all together if that future were to become a reality.

In all this, I leave aside the totally needless remark - sad coming from someone like Bandu de Silva - about some sense of self-dissapointment.

I have my own unique accolades Global and Local - not least the denial in 1981 by the then President of my own country of a simple nomination to the universally supported appointment to be Under Secretary General to head the United Nations in Asia!

So also - to depart from this article for a moment - when a writer from Galle in a Letter to the Editor took objection to my calling in established tradition for one Asian Candidate for the forthcoming appointment as Secretary General.

To be realistic there is no other alternative for us as Asians and there is no use casting personal remarks on this. The truth is our Government should have acted much more vigorously; it seems to have done nothing in this direction. The concept of Asian oneness identity, unity (which I consider a foundation for our own identity) was one I had striven for, along with many others during the 60’s and 70’s and greatly succeeded in creating.

At every annual top most conference of Asian leaders it fell to me to hold the “Scales” between SEATO backed ASEAN and India-led NAM — immensely thanked (invited later by the China Government as the UN’s first guest - also for directing the China Policy for Asia for the sensitive period prior to China’s final entry and Taiwan’s easing out; followed by rival invitation as guest of the Breznev Soviet Union. (cf The Prof. C. Suriyakumaran UN 50th Anniversary Felicitation Volume edited by the Late T. B. Subasinghe prefaced by K. B. Lall of India, Chief Advisor to Indira and Rajiv Gandhi).

It will be a sad spectacle to see our Candidate running around for Security Council and General Assembly votes in New York now probably with a certain other ‘Bolting’ away with his own choice from somewhere!

Question of both, dignity and prudence are involved! [Source: Island] - [TamilWeek Apr 16, 2006]

Norway’s ouster will lead to collapse of peace process says Bala

“JVP’s demand for the expulsion of Norway is absurd and irrational and can only be characterised as political infantilism” Says LTTE Chief Negotiator Anton Balasingham in an interview to the Sunday Leader.

The LTTE has warned that the peace process in Sri Lanka will certainly collapse if Norway withdraws its facilitation and will eventually lead to war.

Mr. Balasingham made the organisation’s position clear on the issue of Norwegian facilitation after the JVP on Friday officially issued the President with an ultimatum to oust Norway.

The JVP has threatened to withdraw support to the government unless Norway is ousted immediately and the Cease Fire Agreement (CFA) completely revised at the next round of talks scheduled for April 19.

He said it can be assured that the LTTE will not engage in direct negotiations with the Sri Lankan state without the facilitation of the third party, the Royal Norwegian Government.

Balasingham charged that it can be safely assumed that the JVP was opposed to peace and wanted war.

“The anti-Norwegian-ism therefore is a perverted form of their desire for war and military conquest of the Tamil homeland. We have our grave doubts as to whether President Rajapakse could advance the peace process by aligning with these irrational forces,” Balasingham said.

He also said the LTTE has always insisted on third party facilitation because of mutual suspicion, distrust and hostility between the parties in conflict.

He further said the LTTE was happy with the Norwegian facilitation for their unbiased, objective neutrality and for their sincere commitment to bring peace, prosperity and ethnic reconciliation in Sri Lanka.

Balasingham told the Colombo newspaper The Sunday Leader, the LTTE as a party to the CFA will not agree for amendments or modifications and it would be a futile exercise if the government delegation makes further efforts to bring amendments at Geneva to placate the Marxists’ demand.

“On the question of the CFA, the LTTE’s position is firm, clear and unequivocal. There is no need or urgency for revision or amendment of the truce agreement. What is urgent is the smooth, effective implementation of the obligations of the agreement by parties in the conflict. We stood by our position firmly in Geneva, in spite of feeble and futile attempts made by the government delegation to bring about amendments. Amendments or revisions cannot be made to the CFA without mutual consent as per Article 4.3 of the CFA,” Balasingham added.

“I feel the second round will certainly take place, because unlike the previous times, the LTTE strategy has always been to come to negotiations under some form of pressure or the other. Then at a crucial time they leave the table, on some flimsy excuse or the other. But because of international pressure I don’t think it will happen now,” says Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minster Mangala Samaraweera, in a HardTalk interview to the Daily Mirror of April 8th.

Answering to concerns about increasing speculations being raised that the second round of the peace talks may not take place as scheduled and if the Foreign Minister is worried, Mr. Samaraweera expressed his cautious optimism.

Further explaining in detail the Minister said, “The western world has understood the LTTE in its proper context, with the EU, the Co Chairs and India playing a very significant role. The travel ban in EU after the assassination of Kadirgamar, had a strong effect on the LTTE.Since President Rajapaksa took over with the escalation of violence, the EU took a very strong stand, warning LTTE of serious consequences if they don’t return to the table.

So this time the LTTE know they really can’t play truant. They maybe making all sorts of noises, for the benefit of their rank and file. Another factor is, that the President and his new approach to the peace process and his patience and restraint is also greatly appreciated and his pragmatic approach is the last chance for us to find a negotiated settlement.”

Text of Interview:

Q: Unless there is pressure from the government to move to substantive issues, instead of running around the CFA violations, isn’t this round too going to be a waste of time and energy?

A: Well, not quite a waste of time. We still think the CFA is greatly flawed. We have to differentiate between the ceasefire and the CFA. As far as the ceasefire is concerned we are all for it but the CFA is so flawed that it actually allowed the LTTE to strengthen themselves and collect the so-called attributes of nationhood, which they have been doing in the last few months. The recent article on the legislation on Eelam lands Act., is an example of all that has been made possible by the CFA. So if we are to strengthen the ceasefire we need to cover the loopholes. Which is why we started talking about that in the first round, and in the second round, as you rightly say conclude talking about the CFA and move on to issues. At the next round we need to talk about the normalization of life in the NE, because if the CFA is implemented we can assume that things are back to normal. This is something enjoyed in this part of the country Unfortunately the so-called liberal sections of the west forget this aspect because they are swayed by the politics of the underdog, and assume that the underdog is always right.

What they forget is that the LTTE and the Tamil interests are two different things. The majority of Tamils live outside areas of LTTE control. The ones left there are the poorest of Tamil society, who are oppressed by the LTTE and their democratic rights denied. Their children are spirited away to fight, they pay enormous sums in illegal taxes and kangaroo courts sentence them to Byzantine punishments. What we are doing is to liberate the Tamil people from the clutches of the LTTE. We don’t think war is the answer. Which is why we want to negotiate across a table and not in the jungles of Vanni with guns and bullets.

Q: But what about LTTE claims and conditions of disarming armed groups in the NE? Are they really valid?

A: I feel they are trying to build up a case to play truant. If you look at the post-Geneva violations of the CFA, there have been 43 incidents, three of these are serious which have happened in the so-called areas of LTTE control. The suicide attack on the navy craft proved that the LTTE still indulges in suicide attacks. The West is looking at it. A recent study by the Institute of Strategic Studies in London which is a counter terrorism think- tank in the world, has found that the suicide attack in London was very similar to those used in Sri Lanka. Many believe there is an element of technological transfer between the LTTE and Islamic terrorists. It’s being seriously investigated in the US and Europe. That shows the LTTE are still using suicide techniques and killings are taking placeoutside the cleared areas.

Some are attributed to Karuna. some to the government troops and the government is making a detailed report to be submitted at the next round of talks. The government will not tolerate any kind of armed groups within our areas including that of the LTTE.

The SLMM had made a curious statement recently saying that they met some armed Karuna cadres. According to them these men have come up and volunteered information! It’s rather strange to say the least! A responsible agency like the SLMM should refrain from making such claims.

Q: The role of the SLMM itself had been critical in this issue, with allegations of a bias towards the LTTE. The SLMM Chief recently claimed the LTTE were freedom fighters despite them being categorized terrorists by the international community. Do you feel this bias?

A: The SLMM has being doing a difficult job. But having said that yes, I also feel that unfortunately there is a lack of understanding of the Sri Lankan context among the foreign elements involved in this issue. No one in their right mind would call the LTTE freedom fighters. Would any group fighting for their people kill the brightest of their leaders? No one fighting for their people would oppress them so much. The Tamil people have less freedom in LTTE controlled areas than in the South. Those who are willing to know,, know that Prabhakaran is no Nelson Mandela. The LTTE is a violent fascist group based around a megalomaniac. We have to see the problem for what it is. We can’t have romanticism here. The other factor the West needs to understand is that the concept of a sole representative is not acceptable in any democratic society. You can’t say that Tamil society has no other views? The day that the LTTE comes to a democratic path is the day we must all lay out the red carpet and welcome them.

Q: Talking of the red carpet. The Norwegians have been accused to laying it out to them in Norway, completely ignoring protocol. How fair is this treatment by a facilitator to a process?

A: The facilitating of a peace process as that of ours is no easy task, but I also feel that they have to be more sensitive to the political realities of a country. No facilitator would write a script and then come and hope everything will fit in to that script. It must be understood that Sri Lanka is no Sudan, Israel or Palestine. They must be sensitive to the needs of the issues in the country. They mustn’t do anything to hinder the progress of the consensus the new President has built. For the first time all political parties have agreed on the government’s stand. Some parties have even agreed to Norwegian facilitation even with their reservations. So to give such a high level welcome in Norway to a group which is yet to even verbally renounce violence wasn’t good for Norway’s image. That isn’t even easy for political management at this end. It has created a lot of resentment here. Norway needs to be more careful and sensitive to Sri Lankan public opinion. And this opinion does not mean a few peace NGOs in Colombo. There is a need for LTTE to be flexible and come to talks in a spirit of compromise.

Q: Don’t you feel that the West has a set of double standards in dealing with terrorism in countries like ours and that of theirs?

A: They did and some still do, but in the mainstream there is a great deal of sympathy for the Sri Lankan situation. Of course this only was expressed after the West experienced the brutality of terrorism.

Q: But how receptive have these countries been to the plight of the Tamil diaspora for example, in Europe?

A: We are very concerned about them, although technically they are foreign passport holders. They have been intimidated and harassed in a horrendous manner. The LTTE fund raising has become very sophisticated. This goes against the laws in these countries. We have asked them to go in to fund collections and see what the Tamil charities like TRO are up to. Most countries are taking these issues seriously.

Q: But violations like the plight of child soldiers which normally constitute serious humanitarian issues in the West, fails to go beyond warnings where the LTTE is concerned?

A: Yes,but at least even the warnings were welcome. However you are right and I hope the EU will seriously take up this issue and deal with the LTTE. The new Envoy has apparently done work on child soldiers in central Africa and he can now get first hand experience here.

Q: But how receptive do you think the West would’ve been if the government were to issue say, a shoot-at-sight against terrorists here as they did in London hours after the bombing? Wouldn’t human rights ‘concerns’ not have intervened then?

A: You are absolutely right. If we even thought of it there would’ve been such a huge hue and cry, but again we can’t only blame the government, the media needs to be mindful of these double standards. I don’t endorse such shootings myself.

Q: I’m not saying we do it but isn’t there such a double standard in treating this issue?

A: Yes that kind of tough message should be the same in whatever country such incidents take place.

Q: How concerned should we be of the threats by the LTTE on restarting the war?

A: We are always concerned. We don’t see war as an option. But while talking peace we must be prepared for all such possibilities. We can’t be naïve and think they will do nothing.

Q: The LTTE threatens to pull out of talks if you don’t grant them any other exit route outside of the Katunayake airport to leave for Geneva as demanded. Will you concede?

A: No. Like all citizens of this country they have to exit from the gazetted exit point of this country. Otherwise they will have to stay at home. We really can’t mollycoddle them. They have to show they are serious, and not ask for special concessions. We have already made concessions for them. Such excuses will not carry much water.

“We stand by our position that they can not be kept as facilitators anymore,” says JVP’s Propaganda Secretary Wimal Weerawansa.

In an interview to Daily Mirror published on April 5th, Mr. Weewansa is lashing out at Norway and questions statements made by Norwegian special envoy Erik Solheim to Indian news web portal “Tehelka“: “What is the moral right that Solheim and Norway have to be facilitators to a process, where they speak against one party to the process?”. Mr. Weerawansa was referring to Mr. Solheim as quoted saying in the Tehelka interview, “Tamil people are harassed by the army into fleeing to India, by the army.”

JVP’s Propaganda Secretary said they will continue to support President Rajapakse, as long as the President sticks to the agreement reached between the UPFA and the JVP during the Presidential elections.

[JVP’s Propaganda Secretary, Wimal Weerawansa (right) and Tilvin Silva, JVP general Secretary - photo TamilNet]

Full Interview:

Q: What went wrong at the local government polls?

A: The decision to go alone was certainly a challenge. The reason is that the polls took place at a time when we were enjoying the political honeymoon after being part of the victory of the President. And anyway a local government poll is not what shows the real strength of the JVP. What always showed the increase in our numbers was the Parliamentary elections. So the decision to go it alone this time was taken mindful of both these challenges. But relative to these challenges, we believe we had a victory.

In 26 local government bodies we have polled over 20% of the votes. You can’t treat this lightly, for a party that is the third force in the country. And in 5 bodies we have pushed the UNP to the third level, making us the main opposition.

Q: Your real target is to become the second force in this country. How long will it take now?

A: I’m no astrologer. But taking all in to consideration it is definite that we will become that. I just don’t know if that will take 3, 5 or 7 years.

Q: But surely you have some target in mind?

A: There is a general election in 3 years, let’s weigh the possibilities then.

Q: The government on Sunday denied contemplating a general election but how ready would you be if that were the case today?

A: We haven’t planned for it yet, but we won’t have any reluctance to face one.

Q: So why didn’t the people ‘give you the village’ as you asked this time?

A: Your argument is valid if you weigh the results on numbers of LG bodies won. But that’s not the only way to look at this result. The important thing is that we didn’t lose anything we had. That would’ve been the real defeat. Maybe the anticipated shine is not there in this victory, I agree.

Q: Did you over-estimate your strength? Is that what happened?

A: Nothing of the sort. Every election makes us look at something bigger than what we have. There is no other way to go.

Q: How do you see the attempt to isolate the JVP from the SLFP by terming it an SLFP victory over the JVP, as a mandate for peace?

A: That is a baseless conclusion of the NGOs and I saw that former President Kumaratunga had also tried to arrive at the same conclusion. There is an understanding between the government and the JVP on the peace process, despite differences of opinion in some areas. That understanding revolves around the mandate that was supported for a united Sri Lanka, at the Presidential election. It is silly to compare the outcome of this election with the mandate of a different election.

Only the JVP went solo. And all except the UPFA and the JVP have lost something. The UNP has lost much of the LG bodies they had control over, and a considerable amount of votes. The Jathika Hela Urumaya has also lost what they had. You can’t analyse this vote as one for or against peace at all. All the votes that were polled by the UPFA, the JVP and the JHU were those that supported the Mahinda Chintanaya. No one went to the stages against this. So the peace mandate argument would’ve been fair if we went against the Chintanaya. And if these three forces joined at the LG polls then the UNP would not have got anything.

Q: So will you continue your support for the government given this scenario?

A: As long as President Rajapaksa does not go against the agreement reached between the UPFA and the JVP we will support the government. It is totally irrelevant if we will contest elections together or separately at different elections. It is wrong to interpret going solo at an election as having problems.

Q: Doesn’t the very decision by the President to continue with the CFA or the Norwegians as facilitators, go against the agreement reached, where it was stipulated the exact opposite would happen?

A: The agreement said that the CFA would be amended where it was going against the interests of the country and the participation of the Norwegian facilitators be strongly reviewed.

We will propose that the President takes up amendments to the CFA on April 19 with the LTTE at the next round of peace talks. The failure to move into this at the first round is acceptable to us because of the violence that was taking place on the ground. But not the 2nd round. Concerning the Norwegians, we made a huge sacrifice at the first round, despite the conflict of interest. But as usual the Norwegians have violated the opportunity given. They did try to give the LTTE legitimacy by treating them as would a state delegation. According to our information, they have even taken the delegation to weapons manufacturing plants in Norway. The brochures of the military equipment that were with the LTTE when they returned were those of a Norwegian kind.

So we stand by our position that they can not be kept as facilitators anymore. They confirmed at the Geneva talks that they were really LTTE facilitators. Solheim tells the Indian media that the Tamil people are harassed by the army into fleeing to India, by the army. Where did this happen? What is the moral right that Solheim and Norway have to be facilitators to a process, where they speak against one party to the process?

And the SLMM chief informs the Defence Secretary that the LTTE, who tops the global list of banned terrorist organisations, are freedom fighters. The role of Norwegians in this aspect, have been exposed.

This is why we propose that the Norwegians should leave the role of facilitator, whatever price we have to pay for it. The time has come to strongly review their role.

Q: But Anton Balasingham has warned that they will leave the negotiating table if there is a change in the facilitators or even a discussion about amending the CFA?

A: If the concentration is to be on what pleases him then let him discuss alone, with Solheim! The government too has issues they want to resolve and are important to them. So too the LTTE.But the fact is that both these aspects need to be discussed. Surely the government delegation is not going to discuss what is important to the LTTE!

Q: But can we afford to lose them at the negotiating table?

A: The LTTE benefited immensely from the CFA that they will not move out of it. Their gains from the CFA surpass anything that they have got in the history of this country. Even if they leave it will be after securing an agreement that would give them even more benefits. They will make sure they complete at least five years under the CFA, thereby showing the world that they have had their own governance for so long and pressure the international community in legitimacy.

This is why they decided to come to negotiate with President Rajapaksa, whom they labelled as an extremist. The LTTE that discontinued talks with Ranil Wickremesinghe who said devolution was necessary and President Kumaratunga who said power should be devolved to a maximum, is coming for talks with President Rajapaksa to spend time, and nothing else. There is a large disparity between their pressures and what they really want. Even Norway is trying to push the government by saying the LTTE will move out.

Q: What about the threat of war?

A: There are two threats and the biggest threat is the LTTE obtaining legitimacy. And Norway will be the first country that will accept them. Is that threat not a concern for us? To avoid that threat we may have to face other threats along the way, like that of war if that happens. A country can’t live in fear. And the threat you mention is valid for the LTTE as well.

Q: How valid are the LTTE concerns of the other militant groups when it’s being questioned if the Karuna faction even falls in to the armed groups stipulated in the CFA signed in 2002 since they broke away in 2004?

A: The LTTE has no moral right to discuss the Karuna issue with the government. It initially maintained it was an internal issue and will settle it themselves. Because they couldn’t settle it they try to palm it off to the government. The government did disarm armed groups within the two years since signing the CFA and the breakaway of Karuna in 2004. It is a very valid question if the Karuna faction even falls in to the armed groups stipulated in the CFA signed in 2002. These pleas merely show the pathetic plight of the LTTE today, begging the government to disarm Karuna. And the government never agreed to anything of the sort in Geneva.

Q: Can the country go on with the uncertainty of war and talks in this manner?

A: The LTTE has stayed without the talks for over three years. Let them move out of the talks if they want. We need not make that such a big headache for us. And if they want to go out, even if we give everything they will go. Ranil Wickremesinghe gave them all they asked for but still they left the table.

Q: And what action will you take if your ’strong’ proposal to take up the amendments at the next round of talks is not heeded by the government?

A: At the moment all we have decided is to make this proposal at this point.

Q: And a failure to remove the Norwegians as facilitators?

A: The political decision we may have to take when that happens has not been contemplated yet. But I can say that we will have to take a decision if that happens.

Q: Balasingham had recently claimed that ‘extremist’ parties like the JVP and JHU were a threat to peace in the country. How fair is this statement?

A: Who killed a large percentage of Tamils in this country? It was the LTTE. If Balasingham- who lives in the lap of luxury in London, representing a terrorist group that carried out ethnic cleansing in this country and killed their own people - is today calling us extremists, that would be like calling those who opposed Hitler as extremists. The only threat to peace is the LTTE.

Q: Who really is the third force in the country? The TNA says they are and claims that they should be getting the vacant post in the Constitutional Council (CC) over the JVP.

A: Has the TNA even got more votes than us? They are not even a national political force, but are winning a few electorates with the help of the LTTE. They have no right to the CC. We have 5 seats in the front row in Parliament and they have only 3. Under the 17th amendment it is the Party that is second in the Opposition that has the right and that is us.

Q: It is claimed that the President may by-pass the 17th amendment and appoint the independent body. How do you see this situation?

A: There is no official intimation to the effect. If they accept our nominee this problem will easily be solved.

Q: But there is such an acute need for these commissions to be appointed, and all the haggling is denying the country the services of such commissions. How long can the country go on without them in place?

A: The TNA says one thing and we say another.The Premier and the Opposition Leader will have to get together and decide. Privately we have our own reservations and criticisms against these commissions. We did take a lead in creating them, but some became elders’ homes. So we don’t accept the myth that the mere appointment creates way for justice. But we don’t say that they are not necessary, but that measures need to be taken to remove the undesirable elements.

Related: New Norwegian Peace Envoy Hanssen - Bauer takes over - by D.B.S. Jeyaraj
Related: Solheim interview to Tehelka

[TamilWeek Apr 2, 2006]