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Doing the same in North, just as in the East is the mistaken belief that is hovering major diplomatic, economic and militaristic burdens for the Government of Sri Lanka today, says Irasiah Ilanthirayan, the Military Spokesman of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).

Fighting a war for political reasons and unable pull out due to the fanfare shown at the start of the warfare is turning the Northern war front into a quagmire for Sri Lankan forces according to Irasiah Ilanthirayan.

The LTTE Military spokesman talked to the Australian Tamil Broadcasting Corporation on the prevailing conditions at the Vanni theatre of war.

[Irasiah Ilanthirayan]

Excerpts from his comments as follows:

“The war towards North that began on 15th of March 2007 in Vanni continues through this day. There is a vigorous war going on in several parts of Mannar and Manalaru.

The major thrust that was started in a similar manner on the 11th of October in 2006 in Killali, Mukamalai and Nagar Kovil areas have not advanced an inch. Attempts to advance from these areas are being made continuously. Under the guidance of our leader V.Pirapaharan, our Colonels and cadres are waging a vigorous fight utilizing the landscape and tactically appropriate ways to inflict casualties.

Mannar

There are several reasons for Sri Lanka armed forces to keep targeting the areas around Mannar. In accordance with their agenda, bringing the greater Mannar area under their total control and opening a land route along Mannar-Poonaryn is important for them.

There is a striving to gain politically as well by trying to push towards the holy shrine of Madhu in the meantime.

If a specifically named military operation is conducted consisting of a mission and goal, it will also have to spell out the time limitations to accomplish them. In order to avoid being entangled in such circumstances, vigorous attacks and tactics utilizing large number of forces are increasingly being carried out in those areas.

Through these attacks they may attempt, to capture places that they could mention; or to gain politically, by bringing the holy area of Madhu under control.

They have not announced a time frame under these circumstances, but the push towards capturing the greater Mannar areas and securing a land route along them is on.

The armed forces are using maximum strength in these operations. 57th and 58th divisions along with several sub forces, guard troops, special forces, and artillery units are being put into action with great anticipation. But the war is grinding on over years.

What is the result of this ’serial’ operation? What are the loses to the armed forces during this war that has spanned over an year? And many analysts have began to look into what the implications will be from these.

Mannar is our soil. We will fight for it intensely. Operation is underway to open a land route to Jaffna and also political purposes. But Sri Lankan forces are in deep angst on the prospects of capturing these areas as time goes by.

In these areas, in accordance with the prevailing conditions we employ several tactics by going forward and backward; such as attacking sideways after allowing to advance and attacking by intervening the moving forces.

The forces may arrive at Madhu tomorrow. The following day we will be in Mathawachchi. This is a rotating aspect. What losses will the forces encounter on every inch they advance.? Our cadres carryout their maneuvers in this war, by grasping the befalling realities when the Sri Lankan forces feel for their losses in the battlefield.

The Sri Lankan military base in Anuradhapura is being used as the command center for these continuous operations.

As I said earlier there are several reasons for these operations. Even though there is no clear vision, there are compelling political reasons. There are no accomplished victories to speak of and politics is preventing to curtail the operation that began with much fanfare. This is what the Mannar battlefield is today. They have fallen into a quagmire.

When Mahinda Rajapakse came to power, war was a sub text. But now it has taken full embodiment of his administration. His early dazzle was that over powering the Tigers will be easy. But Rajapakse has repeated the same historical mistakes made by previous Presidents and Armed Forces Generals.

With the set time frames within only them and not in the limelight, operations are being carried out by playing a mere numbers game. The same errors were made previously in the math of the war.

Propagandas trumpet that hundreds of Tigers are dying while just a few government soldiers are getting wounded. They are unable to avoid this. Propaganda is a tool to deflate and distract the feelings on inflation, distrust over the Rajapakse brothers and resulting confusions and mistrust of the government in the South when the truth of the war zones creeps amidst the iron clad on the media.

Manalaru

As in Mannar, the Armed Forces are attempting to advance in Manalaru as well. But we have very strong defense structures there. And like Mannar, Manalaru is also our heartland. Our forces are engaged in two types of warfare there.

It is a suitable terrain for conventional as well as guerilla warfare. The Sri Lankan forces are stuck there too without moving forward.

Mukamalai

As far as the Northern battlefront is concerned, skirmishes in Mukamalai, Kilali and Nagarkovil are of continuous daily occurrences. They are unable to inch forward while facing casualties here too.

Amidst this, they have built up the troop strength in the peninsula. This is due to their fear that the Tigers may land there and launch attack anytime. This is why their most trusted 53rd division elite forces are stationed there. Some support guard troops are also accompanying them.

The Air Force base is nearby. With this facility they could transport the wounded and attend to other logistics faster. But they are unable to do much with all these capabilities.

Success and failure in a battlefield is determined by meeting set goals. Since 2006, we have been succeeding on the warfare of attacking, upon cutting short the advancement of troops in the Northern front.

East

The situation of the Sri Lankan armed forces is like ‘Thinking of unhusked rice and pounding the mortar’. Even the international watchers of this conflict are now saying this. Those who invested believing in the tactics of the Sri Lankan Army are now questioning the results. Part of this development is what has led to President Rajapakse and Military Generals to now say that time limits cannot be imposed on winning the Tigers, as previously thought of.

As far as the East is concerned our need is to wage a fight with intense. Within that limit we are managing to fight a war. This situation has forced the government to station troops there.

When armed forces have to be deployed elsewhere as new fronts open far from the East, government is facing the necessity of replacing them.

Doing the same in North, just as in the East is the mistaken belief that is hovering major diplomatic, economic and militaristic burdens for the Government of Sri Lanka today. And the battle front is turning towards our favour at this critical juncture.

The Sri Lankan Armed forces have come to know of the intensity of our attacks over numerous times. For example, our attacks on the Anuradhapura and Katunayake Air Force bases are of one kind. Then there is ‘Unceasing Waves’. And there is another kind, in which our fight back against ‘Agni Kela’ stands proof of the parity of our forces on the balance of militaristic strength.

When such reality prevails, international analysts are vociferously pointing out to the Sri Lankan government the larger reality, that the Tigers have not lost their capability to carry out such attacks. Have you done anything to change the attack capabilities of the Tigers is what these analysts are asking the government.

[BBC News footage on the recent sinking of Sri Lanka boat off Mullaithivu seas]

Mullaithivu Black Tiger Attack

I cannot say anything in detail on the attack on the seas of Mullaithivu a few days ago. The fallout from this attack is huge for the government. We have brought this sea lane under our control, which is also the distribution route to the Sri Lankan armed forces in the North.

The Black Tigers have again challenged the notion of maritime sovereignty of the government of Sri Lanka. The questionable status of Sri Lankan maritime waters sovereignty is lingering in the international arena today.

The Sri Lankan government has vast militaristic resources and we cannot match those. But our determination is greater than that of the Sri Lankan forces. They go through a lull in the war as they don’t have justness to wage this war.

The armed forces are now aimless. They distrust the task at hand. They are depressed and in deep angst. In these circumstances their determination is dented; their will is getting destroyed.

[This report is a translation of an article that appeared in the Sri Lanka Tamil Daily Thinakkural]

“This is not an ethnic conflict per se:
People have lived very harmoniously together”. - Robert O.Blake

Ambassador for the United States of America Robert O.Blake speaks to C.A.Chandraprema (of island.lk) about the LTTE, the nature of the Sri Lankan conflict, the confidence shown by expatriate Tamils in Sri Lanka’s long term prospects and the possibility of a political settlement in Sri Lanka:

Q. How would you read the situation in Sri Lanka at the present moment?

A. We are concerned about the situation, but we also think there is hope. We are concerned because the ceasefire has broken down and there has been a lot of fighting in the past year and there have been severe humanitarian consequences and human rights problems for the people of Sri Lanka. But we also think there is hope for the people of Sri Lanka because there is a process already under way in the All party Representatives Committee, that can lead to a political solution to the conflict.

Q. How would you characterize the Sri Lankan problem - is it case of a popularly elected government fighting terrorism?

A. Certainly that is a part of it, but part of the problem is that terrorism exists because of the failure of successive governments to address the grievances that have given rise to terrorism in the first place. That is why we advocate a political solution to the problem and not a military solution.

Q. Isn’t it the usual case that once something starts due to underlying reasons, it tends to gain a momentum of its own?

A. That has been the case in many conflicts but there is no such thing as a conflict that has no solution to it. If we look around the world, we see many examples of so called insoluble problems that the international community has in fact been able to solve. In many cases, it was because of the courageous leaderships within the countries themselves. Take the case of Northern Ireland and the Aceh settlement in Indonesia. I believe that Sri Lanka is capable of developing its own solution as well. I spent most of my career in the middle east where there is deep enmity between the Arabs and the Israelis. But Sri Lanka is very different from the middle east. You have Tamils and Sinhalese and Muslims who have lived together for centuries and even in Colombo 40% of the population is Tamil. And there is intermarriage between the communities. So this is not an ethnic conflict per se. people have lived very harmoniously together and are capable of doing so. So the outlines of a solution are much easier to define here than in a place like the middle east. It is basically a case of all the parties getting together and setting aside their partisan differences for the sake of the nation.

[US Ambassador Robert O. Blake - File Photo]

A. Would you agree with the assessment of the LTTE given in that US Defense Department document which The Island serialized some weeks ago?

Q. You will have to refresh my memory on that…

A. In a nutshell, the analysis was that the LTTE is a terrorist organization, that they are very intransigent, and that the notion of a negotiated settlement will be a non starter with them.

Certainly I would agree that the LTTE is a terrorist organization. The United States was one of the first organizations to ban the LTTE back in 1997 And ever since then, we have been working with our friends in the Sri Lankan government, to restrict the LTTE’s activities, in every way that we can think of, mostly by trying to stop arms flows into Sri Lanka and also to stop financial flows going to the LTTE and to those who are buying arms for the LTTE. So we have taken a very tough position with regard to terrorism and the LTTE. At the same time, I believe that all organizations should be given a chance to change their policies and their behaviour and I think there is a lot of pressure on the LTTE not just from the United States but from many countries around the world. If you look at the law enforcement front, there has been a lot of constructive action taken in France, in Britain, Australia, and many parts of the world. There is a growing international consensus against the LTTE and that would encourage them to come to the negotiating table in good faith. And I think another factor that is important is that the Tamil Diaspora is getting weary of the conflict just as the Tamils in this country are getting weary of conflict. If the government can come up with a solution through the APRC process, that will have a very powerful effect in mobilizing the Diaspora and all the Tamils in favour of a political solution and thereby force Prabhakaran to come to the negotiating table in good faith. Almost every Tamil that I speak to, wants a federal solution within a united Sri Lanka. They do not want a separate Eelam. One of the arguments against any kind of negotiations is that Prabhakaran will never agree to anything less than an independent state. I don’t believe that’s true. I believe that there is great pressure on the LTTE to agree to some sort of federal solution or a power sharing proposal within a united Sri Lanka, and that the overwhelming majority of Tamils here and overseas will support such a solution.

Q. We have a situation here where certain countries are exerting pressure on the Sri Lankan government. There is also pressure on the LTTE. But it so appears that the pressure on the Sri Lankan government is more effective than the pressure that they have been putting on the LTTE.

A. I wouldn’t put the blame on governments that are providing assistance. Let’s take the case of the United States. I don’t want to discuss the policies of other countries. The United States has been a strong supporter of the government of Sri Lanka for many years in its fight against the LTTE. We have supported it with law enforcement and various kinds of technical assistance. We supported it with military means. We very strongly support the right of the government to defend itself, and to defend the people of Sri Lanka against terrorism. But at the same time we believe that there cannot be a military solution to this conflict and that there must be a political solution. Take one of our aid programmes, which is called the New Millennium Challenge Account. With the advice of Congress, the New Millennium Corporation which runs the New Millennium Challenge Account, has decided not to proceed with our programme of assistance here in this country. And the reason for that was that the MCA programme was originally conceived at a time of peace in this country in 2003 and it was conceived to support the ceasefire agreement and as a way of supporting good governance. In the last year, the cease fire agreement has more or less evaporated, fighting has resumed and good governance has also suffered in the last year particularly on the human rights front. On account of that, the Millennium Challenge Corporation does not think the conditions are ripe to proceed with a programme which was designed to support the peace process and good governance. And I think that’s the right decision. But we do hope that if the APRC process comes up with a credible solution and the President is able to work on improving human rights, then we will be able to resume that programme again.

Q. The problem with the APRC is that whatever problem that they come up with, has to be acceptable to the LTTE. They are the people who decide.

A. I wouldn’t put the blame on the LTTE. I think the first challenge before the APRC is the consensus power sharing proposal that is widely acceptable to all the Tamil people. Don’t worry about the LTTE in my view. You should try to come up with something that will attract the support of the broad majority of the Tamil people, both inside the country and outside the country. If you have their support, they will be able to put a lot of pressure on the LTTE and Prabhakaran to accept a credible proposal.

Q. When you find a population living under terror, is it really practical to expect them to make free choices without consulting the people who are terrorizing them? The LTTE controls the area, they control the minds of the people.

A. It is true that the people in the Vanni are living under extraordinarily difficult conditions. There is a lot of forced recruitment going on, and its not a democracy as we understand it in that part of Sri Lanka. But at the same time, there are a large number of Tamils outside the so called uncleared areas. So they can be consulted on a democratic basis and also the Tamils of the Diaspora can have a role in helping to convince the LTTE to support the power sharing proposal that meets the needs of the vast majority of the Tamil people.

Q. Today, this problem is no longer just a case of grievances. The late Kumar Ponnambalam put it very bluntly when he said in a TV interview that the Tamil people have graduated from ‘grievances’ to ‘aspirations’. The Tamils don’t have an independent state and the conflict here has become a kind of spectator sport for Tamils living in Tamil Nadu, Malaysia, South Africa and elsewhere in the world, where the state is far too strong for them to even think of doing what they do here in Sri Lanka. So this conflict is bound up with aspirations for an independent state and has gone beyond mere grievances.

A. I am not sure what the point of the question is. Certainly the Tamils around the world are concerned about the situation in Sri Lanka and the plight of the Tamils living in this country and I think most of the international community feels the same way. But at the same time, that should not be an excuse to not arrive at a solution. I think there is now the opportunity to come to a solution, a power sharing proposal that allows Tamils a greater say in the things that are important to them – how money is spent in the areas where they live, about education, healthcare and so on. Those are decisions that they cannot make now. By the way, those are things that the Sinhalese people, the Muslim people and all the other minorities want as well. So we are not saying that the Tamils should have anything special. We are just saying that the Tamils should have the same rights hat every other Sri Lankan citizen now enjoys. That’s why the power sharing proposals that are being considered in front of the APRC are the way forward and will benefit all the people of Sri Lanka.

Q. The point of my previous question was this. The Jews living scattered all over the world, had no state before 1947. Then the Jewish state was created. Its true that all Jews do not live there. But before it came into being, that was a kind of Jewish dream. So there is a Tamil dream of having a separate state.

A. I disagree with the premise of your question. Most of the people that I talk to are in favour of something on the lines of what is being considered in the APRC.

Q. The American government and the government of Sri Lanka have something in common in that they are both engaged in a war on terror. Now, when you are engaged in a war on terror, what really is the priority – safeguarding human rights or stopping the terror?

A. I don’t think there is a contradiction between the two. I think you can do both and that’s what we have been trying to do around the world. We attach great importance to defeating terrorism everywhere. We prepare an annual report on terrorism and an annual strategy on terrorism. And we designate a number of groups that we call foreign terrorist organizations – the LTTE is one of those foreign terrorist organizations, but there are many others. And we worked with our allies around the world to beat those various terrorist organizations. But at the same time, we are a democratic nation, and we favour democratic processes of all kinds and we have been working on promoting human rights all over the world including Sri Lanka. We promote human rights in our own country as well. There was a debate in the United States after 9/11 that the executive branch of the government, the President, had gone too far, in for example, asking for wire taps of American citizens. The judiciary decided that he had gone too far. It is very important to have that balance of power in any democracy. Its important to have an effective Parliament, an independent judiciary, a free press, and so on.

Q. When compared to other underdeveloped countries, Sri Lanka is far ahead with regard to all those. But the country is in a state of war. This is not like the United States fighting overseas. Even if you lose such wars, the impact back home on day to day life will not be too negative. But when you are fighting on your own soil, doesn’t the priority simply become stopping the terror? When you stop the terror, human rights flows on naturally from that.

A. I will go back to my original answer on that. I don’t think there is a contradiction between fighting a war on terror and human rights. You can do both. I think the best way to improve the human rights situation in this country would be to arrive at a political solution to this conflict. If you look at charts that show human rights violations and deaths as a result of conflict, these went down to virtually zero in 2002 and 2003 because the nation was at peace at that time. So there were very few human rights violations and very few deaths. So that’s the situation that we think Sri Lanka should get back to. A situation of peace where everybody is working together and there is no need for security measures against terrorism or anything like that.

Q. We are not talking here of just another Islamic terrorist organisation. We are talking of the most effective terrorist organisation in the world. They inspire others. They have got this thing rolling without oil money. Its entirely their sweat and blood. They have ships, a few planes and they carry out precision attacks. They are not like Al Qaeda attacks or the London bombings or these little things that have been happening in the West. So Sri Lanka is dealing with a force that even the Americans are not up against.

A. I wouldn’t want to get into comparing Al Qaeda with the LTTE. I think Al Qaeda is one of the most lethal organisations in the world and had been adapting its tactics and its network of operations continually and has proved a very difficult adversary in the war on terrorism. The most recent battlefield has been in Iraq as you know. We have resolved to try to defeat Al Qaeda and I think you also can defeat the LTTE but the way to do so is through political means. You are not going to achieve victory through military means alone. We found that in Iraq as well. We are not pursuing a one track policy of trying to defeat Al Qaeda militarily. That would be impossible. We are trying to achieve national reconciliation within Iraq. We are trying to involve all of the neighbours of Iraq in a solution. We are talking to the Iranians, the Syrians, the Saudis, the Egyptians, and many other important countries in the region. There’s go to be multi track solution that involves economic growth, the growth of democracy and reconciliation in the country to stop the sectarian strife. It is a very similar track that has to be pursued here in Sri Lanka as well. You need to have a political solution and address the underlying conditions that have given rise to the LTTE’s terrorism in the first place.

Q. Lets talk about Iraq. The Americans went in, removed Saddam Hussein, and gave the Shiites and the Kurds a certain amount of freedom and they represent the majority of the population. The Sunni’s also have whatever the Shiites and the Kurds have. I believe that all of them know that if they just stopped all this violence, and allowed democracy to flourish in that country, they will all benefit. The Americans will be pumping in aid – they know all that. Despite all this, war rages there. I feel that it is the same situation here. Most Tamils would love to live in peace. They live in peace in all other parts of the country except the North and the East. They all know that Sri Lanka will benefit economically if the war stops, but they are unable to do that because of a coterie of intransigent individuals. A few intransigent individuals who control the whole thing. Aren’t Iraq and Sri Lanka in a similar situation?

A. It’s very difficult to make a comparison. Iraq is an enormously complex situation. There is a sectarian issue and also one involving the terrorist group Al Qaeda that has tried to exploit the situation for its own purposes. So I don’t think its wise to compare the two. They are completely different situations. Most Tamils would like to live in peace in Sri Lanka and not just in the North and East. One interesting phenomenon that we have seen over the past couple of years is of expatriate Tamils investing in this part of the country, in the Western province. So there’s heavy investment going on here. They wouldn’t be doing that if they did not have faith in a solution that involves a federal system. In a way that is a show of confidence that there will be a long term solution. As I said earlier, that solution is much easier to reach here than in many other parts of the world.

Q. But as I said earlier, we are dealing with the smartest terrorist organisation in the world. And they have not been given an incentive to move away from their present course of action. Every time the Sri Lankan military starts a campaign in the North and East, the Western powers come to the aid of the LTTE and put a stop to it. If LTTE operatives start disappearing here in Colombo, again the question of human rights come up. The LTTE is thus able to manipulate almost at will, the entire Western community of nations.

A. I would deny most vigorously that the LTTE has been able to use the international community. The message that I would send to the LTTE now is that life’s going to get more difficult for them. The international community s working together to stop the flow of arms to the LTTE. We and a number of other like-minded countries is trying to stop that whole network. We are also trying to stop the terrorist financing side and I think there has been some success there. There have been a number of arrests in the United States and other countries, of people trying to procure arms and other things for the LTTE. I would argue that the activities of the LTTE overseas are becoming more and more circumscribed. They should not believe that the negotiations this time is going to be another opportunity to use the negotiations to rearm. Things are going to be much more difficult for them. Now is the time for them to sit down and negotiate in good faith. I also believe most importantly that the Tamil people who support them from around the world, will rally around a proposal put forward in good faith by the APRC, that meets the aspirations of the vast majority of the Tamil people. That more than anything else will help to rally Tamil support for a federal solution within a united Sri Lanka and that would help to isolate Prabhakaran if he is not willing to go along with that kind of a proposal. So I don’t think the LTTE is going to be able to manipulate the international community. Things have changed now, dramatically.

Q. If you take the recent House of Commons debate, almost every MP who spoke that day said that they had been approached by their Tamil constituents who had expressed concerns about Sri Lanka and that led to the debate. Because they have citizens in those countries, they are able to deliver bloc votes which has led to a situation where the democratic system itself can be manipulated from within those countries, to their advantage. In a situation like that politicians will not say anything against the LTTE. Even if they do voice criticism, they’ll try to balance it by saying something even harsher about the government. You have this situation even among the Muslim communities in various Western countries.

A. I don’t want to comment on the House of Commons debate. But I will not say that every Tamil who expresses concern about the human rights situation is an LTTE supporter. There are many Tamils who have concerns about the human rights situation here who are not supporters of the LTTE. The reason why the LTTE has been able to thrive for so long is because it has been able to argue with some reason that it is the only organisation that supports the rights of the Tamil people, and that successive governments here have failed to deliver on promises to improve the rights of the Tamil people. But if the current government can do that, it will undercut the appeal of the LTTE. That’s where the opportunity lies.

Q. The only reason why the LTTE has become the only organisation appearing for Tamil rights is because they killed off everyone else. They have managed to get away with that as well. They now claim to be the only representatives of the Tamils and the western governments go along with that.

A. I wouldn’t say we go along with it. We consider them one of the most ruthless terrorist organisations in the world. We in the United States and many other countries have banned them as a terrorist organisation. So in no way have we gone along with their brand of terrorism. Far from it.

We are doing everything we can to circumscribe their activities but the best way to circumscribe their activities is to come up with a political solution that will address the underlying grievances that gave rise to the terrorism. [island.lk]

Dr.A.R.M. Imtiyaz, of Colombo, Sri Lanka is a visiting scholar at the Temple University in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. His articles have been published in several journals and presented in the international conferences on ethnicity. His primary research interest is in the study of ethnic conflict, both in Sri Lanka and in other countries.

He recently spoke to Iqbal Ali of popular Colombo Tamil Daily “Thinakkural”. Translation of the interview published on May 27th, 2007 is as follows:

Q: How do you view the current political developments in Sri Lanka?

A: After their independence, countries have failed to change the political realities of the post colonial period. And changes from modernization and resulting social pressures failed miserably as they were not adequately addressed by the political leaderships. We see the consequences of this in majority of the post colonization countries. In greater Asia - Sri Lanka, India and Middle Eastern countries face this while Sudan, Somalia and Ethiopia in Africa stand out as examples of this situation.

The political status that prevails in Sri Lanka today can be easily understood through approaching this within principles of Political Science.

Q: In that case do you see the Freedom struggle of Tamil Eelam is a result of this political process?

A: Generally whenever political communities erroneously develop or create rules and regulations that favor only a particular ethnic group or religion it results in conflicts. This is like how a child will show dissatisfaction toward parents if there was imparity between the parents and other children of the family. In the same manner, an affected community will show its displeasure towards the government and its dominating ethnic group.

This is a common phenomenon of all political communities. Post independence, the ruling classes’ adapted pro Sinhala policies. The Sinhala only policy of 1956, 1972 Constitution, standardization in higher education, deliberate Sinhala colonization and ethnic cleansing of Tamils did not give any hope to the Tamils. In the same token these policies did not help to pave the way to create patriotism of the country, among all minorities. Contrarily, the pro Sinhala policies divided the people of Sri Lanka. They resulted in Tamil people to relying on the freedom struggle. The birth of deadly groups such as the LTTE is a consequence or child of such pro Sinhala policies

Q: The Government of Sri Lanka and International community consider the LTTE as a terrorist organization. In the meantime majority of the Tamils see them differently. How do you view the LTTE?

A: History will determine if an organization is a freedom movement or a terrorist organization. The duty of a Political Scientist is to observe and research a community. I can’t say anything regarding whether LTTE is a terrorist organization or not. But I can say one thing. When a society enforces policies discriminatingly, chances are higher for political organizations to rise. The affected people will not live peacefully wherever they live. This is demonstrated by the history of the world.

Q: The party in power SLFP, recently put forwarded District Councils as solution for the ethnic problem. However, the Tamil parties and Muslim Congress have rejected this proposal. What is your opinion?

A: The solution for the ethnic problem in Sri Lanka is to fulfill the aspirations of the minority communities. In this regard, the minority communities have already lost faith in the Sinhala dominated government. Particularly, the Tamils don’t count on the government or its other agencies. Even in bigger political communities “political confidence” is important. When an ethnic or religious community loses faith in the government, it results in “political tension”.

The only avenue to avoid this dangerous deterioration is creating mutual understanding and trust. How to do this? In accordance to the concepts of Political Science, power sharing could lead the way in winning the trust. The minority communities must be free to conduct their affairs in their regions through their representatives.

Everyone could see that Sri Lanka Freedom Party’s “District Council” proposal fails to meet this political mark. Therefore there is no hope that this proposal will help bring about a political solution. Proposals such as these not only will win the trust of the minorities but they will only help to further erode the trust in the government by affected minorities.

[Translated by K. Thirukumaran]

US Ambassador Robert O’ Blake has reiterated in an interview to the Daily News that there can be no military solution to the conflict in Sri Lanka. “Rather, both sides should cease hostilities so talks can take place on a negotiated settlement”, he emphasized when speaking to the Colombo broadsheet in the aftermath of the Katunayake air force base bombing.

Full Text of Ambassador Blake’s Interview with Daily News:

Question: What is the US reaction to the LTTE attack Monday on the military side of the Colombo international airport?

Ambassador Blake: The LTTE’s successful deployment of an offensive air capability is a matter of great concern. The United States designated the LTTE as a Foreign Terrorist Organization in 1997. Since that time, we have worked with the Government of Sri Lanka to stop the flow of arms and terrorist financing to the LTTE. The Federal Bureau of Investigation arrested 15 suspects in August 2006 for conspiring to buy surface-to-air missiles in the U.S. and trying to bribe U.S. officials to get the Tamil Tigers removed from the U.S. list of terrorist organizations. The FBI subsequently arrested four additional suspects in September in Guam. The investigation is ongoing.

Question: Has the United States changed its travel advice to Americans as a result of this attack?

Ambassador Blake: There has been no substantive change in our advice. The U.S. Embassy does not perceive a specific threat to our citizens who intend to travel to the tourist areas in the Cultural Triangle or those further south. We do strongly advise Americans not to travel north of a line from Puttalam on the west coast through Anuradhapura in the central north to Polonnaruwa to Bibile to Pottuvil on the east coast.

Question: Does the attack change the U.S. view about the solution to the conflict?

Ambassador Blake: We do not believe there can be a military solution to this conflict. Rather, both sides should cease hostilities so talks can take place on a negotiated settlement. The United States believes Sri Lanka now has an important opportunity to achieve peace. We very much hope that the power-sharing proposal that emerges from the APRC process will be a credible one that meets the aspirations of the Tamil, Sinhalese and Muslim people of Sri Lanka. This could then form the basis for talks leading to a negotiated settlement. The United States welcomed Foreign Minister Bogollagama’s remarks during his recent visit to Washington that the government’s peace initiative is on track to seek a broad-based political consensus in the south in favor of political proposals that would lead to a sustainable peace. [Courtesy: US Embassy News - Sri Lanka]

‘The words federal and unitary have lost their meaning over the passage of time’

Science and Technology Minister Prof. Tissa Vitarana, Chairman of the All Party Representatives Committee, outlines the progress made by the APRC and stresses the need for a power sharing mechanism to resolve the present conflict, in an interview with Manjula Fernando of the Daily News:

Q: The All Party Representatives Committee (APRC) is reportedly close to submitting its proposals. When will it be forthcoming?

A: The APRC has had 24 meetings for over a period of six months and based on the views expressed there I produced a document a month ago. It also included some of the suggestions made by a panel of experts appointed by the President. Members of the APRC accepted this document and agreed to submit their parties’ amendments in writing.

Already 10 of the parties including the UNP have sent in their written proposals. The JHU and the CWC said they were ready with the proposals, but they want to study the SLFP proposals before handing them over.

I heard that the SLFP committee appointed to finalise their suggestions and also approve the amendments, have put together their report and it was on the way to the SLFP’s Central committee for approval. Hopefully it will be submitted next week.

I have been circulating the individual amendments among all the parties. Once we receive the SLFP proposals it will be circulated. Then we will restart our discussions. We should try to conclude the discussions on amendments in about two months.

The minimum consensus I have indicated is that the two main political parties, SLFP and the UNP should be in agreement on whatever positions accepted. If any other party disagrees a particular section their dissent will be recorded.

At which point will the LTTE and TNA come into the picture ?

At the moment the TNA is not part of the process, though from the inception I have stated I would like them to be a part of the process but unfortunately they are not. The LTTE will come into the process only after peace talks begins. That is of course will be left to the President to decide.

Q: The JVP is boycotting APRC meetings. How has this affected your deliberations? Without their active contribution can you claim this to be a legitimate southern consensus? Any hard attempts to get them back?

A: I’m disappointed that the JVP which participated in 21 meetings for over four months decided to withdraw. I met the Leader of the JVP Somawansa Amarasinghe, about a month ago, and prevailed on him to come back into the process.

I stated that they are free to suggest any position and we are ready to listen to them. But so far I have not received any response.

The fact that they are carrying out a campaign against the whole process would indicate they are not likely to come back. Their staying off does not prevent us from striving to reach a consensus between the 13 parties that are in the process now.

Q: Will the JVP continue to be a spoiler?

A: That is a question you must ask the JVP. The main argument of the LTTE against any type of negotiated settlement with the government was on the basis that opposition was not involved in the process and therefore any agreement reached with the Government in power will not be honoured by the next Government. This has carried weight with the Tamil community and the International community.

Now for the first time the President has set up an All Party Conference which has brought together the political parties represented in the parliament except the TNA. It has brought together the UNP and the SLFP, which are the parties that form successive governments. If we reach a consensus accepted by these two along with others then both the Tamil people as well as the international community will be convinced.

By opposing the APRC process, they are, in reality, helping the LTTE, because the LTTE does not want to have serious talks to solve the problems. They want to embark on a military cum terrorist road to achieve a separate state.

Q: Has the feud between the UNP and the SLFP been reflected at the APRC?

A: Because of the collapse of the MoU the UNP wanted to withdraw from the APRC. Then I met UNP Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe and said it was not a very rational position to take because the APRC has not been appointed by the SLFP or the Government, but it was a creation of the APC of which the UNP is still a member. Therefore, the MOU had no bearing.

The UNP Leader accepted this position and then he tried to convince his party to stay on in the process.

But there had been differences of opinion and now the ultimate position they have taken is that they will see what the SLFP comes up with and decide to continue or not.

My earnest hope is that they will continue. Here, I must record the very positive contribution the UNP Representative K.N.Choksy has made during the meetings he was present.

Q: What is the reaction of the other parties to the UNP reformist group’s participation?

A: Minister Karu Jayasuriya met me and indicated that they would like to see my document and also submit their proposals. I have agreed to accept any proposal they submit. Their participation poses a problem because they are not a recognised political party. I will have to consult the President on that matter.

Q: How has the UNP reacted?

A: The position they took on their first document on the North and the East that there should be a merger for six to eight years followed by a referendum was changed in the subsequent document to accept my position that this matter should not be discussed at this point. But the question of a merger should be raised only during peace talks where Muslims will also have representation.

Q: Is there a common consensus among parties with regard to main issues?

A: On different issues parties have expressed their desire for some change but the majority have accepted my document as a suitable basis for discussion and developing a consensus document. The only party that has not stated that is the MEP. And they have sent in their changes.

Q: You yourself have been described as a federalist. Has the APRC decided on a unit of devolution? Is Federalism the best answer for Lanka?

A: Labels have no meanings. Here we are trying to work out a solution that will enable sufficient power to be given to appropriate levels for people to take decisions on matters relevant to their living and working existence.

The crux of the matter is that in a system where the central Government is taking decisions the minorities have lost faith in the desire of majority to do justice to them . They appeal for necessary power so that they can fulfil their needs which is not being satisfactorily done by the centre now.

Power sharing has risen as a result of this. Therefore, working out an arrangement where people can have necessary power to meet their own needs is what we are doing.

The words Federal and unitary have lost their meaning over the passage of time. For example Britain, which is considered to be a unitary state has, today, given Scotland and Wales a separate Parliamentary unit and devolved most of the power that was enjoyed by London, giving them not only executive power but also legislative power. It is only in a few areas, Britain as a whole, the power is retained in Westminster.

India is considered to be a federal government. But it has very clearly stated powers given to the Centre to dissolve any state government under specified circumstances.

I think it is senseless to argue on words like federal and unitary. What we have to ensure is that we have a system to meet aspirations of all our people satisfactorily, within a framework of one country and one state.

For instance there is a movement in Canada for the French speaking province of Quebec to separate from Canada. There are two main political formations, one is the separatist and the other is federal. The federal movement is considered to be against separatism.

There 24 countries which have purely federal constitutions. These include large states like USA, Australia, India and China and smaller states like Belgium and Switzerland.

There about 27 other countries which have veered away from unitary status towards federal states to prevent separation.

The whole idea is to remain as one country but if the minorities don’t get the powers they need, the only solution is separation.

The unit of devolution will be the existing nine provinces. There will be no change either within those nine provinces or between those nine provinces, meaning no merger, in my document. These decisions will be taken at the peace talks with adequate representation of all the stakeholders. Without doubt there has to be a Muslim representation.

Q: Should any solution go beyond Former President Chandrika Kumaratunga’s 2000 proposals?

A: There are a number of features in the 2000 constitutional proposals which met the aspirations of the minorities, in particular Tamils. But at the same time there are certain features they were not completely happy with. In my document we have tried to overcome these. It will help reduce the fears of the majority community on a separatist point of view while satisfying the minority needs for an adequate share of power.

Q: Do you think India’s Panchayat or Grama Rajya system will fit into a complex system like ours?

A: I have adopted that system to suit our conditions. It is an important part because a lot of problems of governance or lack of governance, flow from the gap between the governed and the governing. It is very wide.

What I have suggested at village level is to form a Jana Sabha (JS) for a unit of 100 families. You can elect one member from the JS area (a ward) to Gam Sabha (village committee).

About 2/3 Grama Sevaka Wasamas will form one Gam Sabha area. There will be ten elected members in the GS and a Chairperson/CEO will be elected among them. They will be given adequate funding through the Constitution itself to carry out economic and infrastructure development activities.

The Chairperson of the Gam Sabha will be the representative of that area at the Pradeshiya Sabha (PS). There will be no need for a separate election for PSs.

In the present system, Divisional Secretariats and the Pradeshiya Sabhas are divorced. The divisional secretariats come under district secretariats.

Pradeshiya Sabhas are usually at loggerheads with the Divisional secretariats if they want to get things done for their people. I have proposed divisional secretariats to come under the purview of Pradeshiya Sabhas.

They can’t legislate but they can pass by-laws for functions allocated to them. This system will enable the pockets of various groupings like Muslim communities living in Sinhalese dominant areas or Sinhalese in Tamil dominant areas, etc to have adequate powers and funding to attend to their needs. The system is to apply to the whole country.

Q: How do you plan to convince the LTTE and TNA to accept your proposals of power sharing? Do you think it will be easy?

A: I would like to emphasise this, I have been misrepresented by JVP in particular and media in general that I have said our objective in the APRC is to satisfy the LTTE. I have never said that. What I have expressed is that we are meeting here as representatives of people to work out a solution acceptable to the people of our country, be they Sinhalese, Muslim or Tamil.

If we present a document which adequately satisfies the aspirations of the Tamils and it is accepted by the two main political parties, then there is no need for Tamils to support the LTTE to form a separate state.

Besides EPDP and the parties representing the plantation sector Tamils, there have been inputs from the EPRLF, PLOTE and also possibly from TULF Leader V. Anandasangaree. They represent Tamil aspirations.

In this situation, the LTTE will be forced to come to serious talks and try to fulfil the real needs of Tamils or else they will be alienated by the community they claim to represent. If that happens the LTTE will be very vulnerable because history has shown that any military group which loses the support of the people cannot survive.

Q: The air attack on the Katunayake SLAF base clearly shows the LTTE at the moment is not into peace. The Government is also continuing limited military operations. In this backdrop how optimistic are you that the process to find a political solution will see the light of day?

A: As I have always maintained the LTTE’s military and terrorist campaign has developed because of the grievances of the Tamil people. If they had no grievances there won’t be a need for the LTTE. They have made use of the people’s grievances to further their own objectives. Weakening the LTTE and undermining their separatist campaign could only be done by satisfying the Tamils’ needs.

Therefore by having the APC process going on we will be sending the message both to the Tamil people and the International Community that the Government is moving towards a peaceful resolution to the dispute and the blame for the escalation of violence lies with the LTTE.

Q: No peaceful settlement will be possible if you do not ‘sell’ the idea of power sharing to the South. How do you plan to do this ?

A: Power sharing has already been experienced under the 13th amendment. The idea is already there. What we try to do is to show that you can make it more effective by ensuring the benefits really flow to the grassroots level.

But on the other hand we have to show that there are sufficient safeguards to prevent the formation of a separate state. If there is any moves towards this the President can deploy the army and if that is inadequate it can dissolve the province and take over administration.

Under these circumstances I see no reason why people in the South should not accept devolution. Further there will be no separate treatment to the North. Whatever will be proposed will apply to the entire country.

By Madhur Singh

Ahilan Kadirgamar is a human rights activist with the Sri Lanka Democracy Forum, which works to promote human rights and a peaceful resolution of the Sri Lankan problem. A Tamil dissident, he is based in US and is currently visiting New Delhi to raise awareness about the human rights situation in Sri Lanka . Due to security constraints, he did not wish to be photographed.

What is the state of human rights in Sri Lanka today?

Since last year, the human rights situation has worsened considerably, with multi actors on the scene. In addition to the LTTE, the State has gone back to the trend of the early 1990s, with disappearances, abductions and torture on the rise. The violations that had ended during the last decade have reappeared. So the human rights situation has worsened considerably.

How do you think the situation can be remedied?

Over the next few months, there needs to be a concerned international effort to put pressure on the Sri Lankan government to stop human rights violations. We believe that if the government really wants to, it can bring the situation under control. Obviously, the LTTE continues with its human rights violations.

The other thing is that there is a danger that the government is going too much towards a military solution to the problem. What is needed, instead, is a political approach, and there we support the All Party Representative Committee process. Some acceptable, viable proposals for constitutional reform must come out of the APRC, and the proposals must not be watered down.

Do you support the Norwegian peace process?

We in the human rights community have had two main problems with the Norwegian peace process. We have always been clear that any process, to succeed, must fulfil two conditions, which the Norwegian process does not.

In the north, the LTTE has to be willing to come into the political settlement and need to change their policies - they have decimated dissidence by eliminating all those who spoke out. But they must allow political pluralism, they have to allow dissent. On the other hand, in the south, all parties must reach consensus to address Tamil aspirations. They must jointly pursue the path of peace and stop trying to gain political mileage by following policies that ultimately prolong the conflict. There must also be security sector reform.

But are you still working within the parameters of the Norwegian process?

We are on the last leg of the Norwegian peace process, and we must salvage something out of it. If we don’t, we will become enmeshed in a protracted cycle of war for the next five to 10 years, which is going to affect Tamil people most of all.

Once the government comes out with its proposals, pressure must be brought to bear on the LTTE to return to the table and talk. Even if the LTTE does not agree to negotiate, to begin with, the government must unilaterally reform constitutional reform as a first step towards showing that they are serious about addressing Tamil aspirations and making the Tamil community a part of the country.

What kind of role do you think India can play?

There is the bitter experience of the 1980s, with the IPKF, but India has a huge role to play. Many of us do not see a long-term sustainable future without a major Indian role, and, in fact, India has been in the driver’s seat in the search for a political solution. In the short term, India can help by putting pressure on the human rights front. India can take the lead in the international community and coordinate with other international powers. It can play a big role at multilateral institutions like the UN to ensure that there is interest in the Sri Lankan situation. [Courtesy: HindustanTimes]